The message about the Decembrists is brief on literature. Who were the Decembrists and what did they fight for?

The whole point is that historically the Decembrists in Russia were the first who dared to oppose the power of the Tsar. It is interesting that the rebels themselves began to study this phenomenon; they analyzed the reasons for the uprising on Senate Square and its defeat. As a result of the execution of the Decembrists, Russian society lost the very best of enlightened youth, because they came from families of the nobility, glorious participants in the War of 1812.

Who are the Decembrists

Who are the Decembrists? They can be briefly characterized as follows: these are members of several political societies fighting for the abolition of serfdom and a change in state power. In December 1825 they organized an uprising, which was brutally suppressed. 5 people (leaders) were executed, shameful for officers. Decembrist participants were exiled to Siberia, some were shot in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Causes of the uprising

Why did the Decembrists revolt? There are several reasons for this. The main one, which they all, as one, reproduced during interrogations in the Peter and Paul Fortress - the spirit of freethinking, faith in the strength of the Russian people, tired of oppression - all this was born after the brilliant victory over Napoleon.

It is no coincidence that 115 people from among the Decembrists were participants in the Patriotic War of 1812.

Indeed, during military campaigns, liberating European countries, they did not encounter the savagery of serfdom anywhere. This forced them to reconsider their attitude towards their country as “slaves and masters.”

It was obvious that serfdom had outlived its usefulness. Fighting side by side with the common people, communicating with them, the future Decembrists came to the idea that people deserve a better fate than a slave existence. The peasants also hoped that after the war their situation would change for the better, because they shed blood for the sake of their homeland. But, unfortunately, the emperor and most of the nobles firmly clung to the serfs. That is why, from 1814 to 1820, more than two hundred peasant uprisings broke out in the country.

The apotheosis was the revolt against Colonel Schwartz of the Semenovsky Guards Regiment in 1820. His cruelty towards ordinary soldiers crossed all boundaries. Activists of the Decembrist movement, Sergei Muravyov-Apostol and Mikhail Bestuzhev-Ryumin, witnessed these events, as they served in this regiment. It should also be noted that a certain spirit of freethinking was instilled in most of the participants at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum: for example, its graduates were I. Pushchin, V. Kuchelbecker, and the freedom-loving poems of A. Pushkin were used as inspired ideas.

Southern Society of Decembrists

It should be understood that the Decembrist movement did not arise out of nowhere: it grew out of world revolutionary ideas. Pavel Pestel wrote that such thoughts go “from one end of Europe to Russia”, even covering such opposite mentalities as Turkey and England.

The ideas of Decembrism were realized through the work of secret societies. The first of them are the Union of Salvation (St. Petersburg, 1816) and the Union of Welfare (1818). The second arose on the basis of the first, was less secretive and included a larger number of members. It was also dissolved in 1820 due to differences of opinion.

In 1821, a new organization emerged, consisting of two Societies: Northern (in St. Petersburg, headed by Nikita Muravyov) and Southern (in Kyiv, headed by Pavel Pestel). Southern society had more reactionary views: in order to establish a republic, they proposed killing the tsar. The structure of the Southern Society consisted of three departments: the first, along with P. Pestel, was headed by A. Yushnevsky, the second by S. Muravyov-Apostol, the third by V. Davydov and S. Volkonsky.

Leaders of the Decembrists:

1. Pavel Ivanovich Pestel

The leader of the Southern Society, Pavel Ivanovich Pestel, was born in 1793 in Moscow. He receives an excellent education in Europe, and upon returning to Russia begins service in the Corps of Pages - especially privileged among the nobles. The pages are personally acquainted with all members of the imperial family. Here the freedom-loving views of young Pestel first appear. Having brilliantly graduated from the Corps, he continues to serve in the Lithuanian Regiment with the rank of ensign of the Life Guards.

During the War of 1812, Pestel was seriously wounded. Having recovered, he returns to service and fights bravely. By the end of the war, Pestel received many high awards, including a golden award weapon. After World War II, he was transferred to serve in the Cavalry Regiment - at that time the most prestigious place of service.

While in St. Petersburg, Pestel learns about a certain secret society (the Union of Salvation) and soon joins it. Paul's revolutionary life begins. In 1821, he headed the Southern Society - in this he was helped by magnificent eloquence, a wonderful mind and the gift of persuasion. Thanks to these qualities, in his time he achieved unity of views of Southern and Northern societies.

Pestel's Constitution

In 1823, the program of the Southern Society, compiled by Pavel Pestel, was adopted. It was unanimously accepted by all members of the association - future Decembrists. Briefly it contained the following points:

• Russia must become a republic, united and indivisible, consisting of 10 districts. State administration will be carried out by the People's Assembly (legislatively) and the State Duma (executively).
• In resolving the issue of serfdom, Pestel proposed to immediately abolish it, dividing the land into two parts: for peasants and for landowners. It was assumed that the latter would rent it out for farming. Researchers believe that if the 1861 reform to abolish serfdom had gone according to Pestel’s plan, the country would very soon have taken a bourgeois, economically progressive path of development.
• Abolition of the institution of estates. All the people of the country are called citizens, they are equally equal before the law. Personal freedoms and inviolability of person and home were declared.
• Tsarism was categorically not accepted by Pestel, so he demanded the physical destruction of the entire royal family.

It was assumed that "Russian Truth" would come into force as soon as the uprising ended. It will be the fundamental law of the country.

Northern Society of Decembrists

Northern society begins to exist in 1821, in the spring. Initially, it consisted of two groups that later merged. It should be noted that the first group was more radical in orientation; its participants shared Pestel’s views and fully accepted his “Russian Truth”.

Activists of the Northern Society were Nikita Muravyov (leader), Kondraty Ryleev (deputy), princes Obolensky and Trubetskoy. Ivan Pushchin played not the least role in the Society.

The Northern Society operated mainly in St. Petersburg, but it also had a branch in Moscow.

The path to uniting Northern and Southern societies was long and very painful. They had fundamental differences on some issues. However, at the congress in 1824 it was decided to begin the process of unification in 1826. The uprising in December 1825 destroyed these plans.

2. Nikita Mikhailovich Muravyov

Nikita Mikhailovich Muravyov comes from a noble family. Born in 1795 in St. Petersburg. Received an excellent education in Moscow. The War of 1812 found him in the rank of collegiate registrar at the Ministry of Justice. He runs away from home for the war and makes a brilliant career during the battles.

After the Patriotic War, he begins to work as part of secret societies: the Union of Salvation and the Union of Welfare. In addition, he writes the charter for the latter. He believes that a republican form of government should be established in the country; only a military coup can help this. During a trip to the south he meets P. Pestel. Nevertheless, he organizes his own structure - the Northern Society, but does not break ties with like-minded people, but, on the contrary, actively cooperates.

He wrote the first edition of his version of the Constitution in 1821, but it did not find a response from other members of the Societies. A little later, he will reconsider his views and release a new program offered by the Northern Society.

Muravyov's Constitution

The Constitution of N. Muravyov included the following positions:

• Russia should become a constitutional monarchy: the legislative branch is the Supreme Duma, consisting of two chambers; executive - the emperor (also the supreme commander in chief). It was separately stipulated that he did not have the right to start and end the war on his own. After a maximum of three readings, the emperor had to sign the law. He had no right to veto; he could only delay the signing in time.
• When serfdom is abolished, the landowners' lands will be left to the owners, and the peasants - their plots, plus 2 tithes will be added to each house.
• Suffrage is only for land owners. Women, nomads and non-owners stayed away from him.
• Abolish the institution of estates, level everyone with one name: citizen. The judicial system is the same for everyone. Muravyov was aware that his version of the constitution would meet fierce resistance, so he provided for its introduction with the use of weapons.

Preparing for the uprising

The secret societies described above lasted 10 years, after which the uprising began. It should be said that the decision to revolt arose quite spontaneously.

While in Taganrog, Alexander I dies. Due to the lack of heirs, the next emperor was to be Constantine, Alexander's brother. The problem was that he secretly abdicated the throne at one time. Accordingly, the reign passed to the youngest brother, Nikolai. The people were in confusion, not knowing about the renunciation. However, Nicholas decides to take the oath on December 14, 1825.

Alexander's death became the starting point for the rebels. They understand that it is time to act, despite the fundamental differences between Southern and Northern societies. They were well aware that they had catastrophically little time to prepare well for the uprising, but they believed that it would be criminal to miss such a moment. This is exactly what Ivan Pushchin wrote to his lyceum friend Alexander Pushkin.

Gathering on the night before December 14, the rebels prepare a plan of action. It boiled down to the following points:

• Appoint Prince Trubetskoy as commander.
• Occupy the Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress. A. Yakubovich and A. Bulatov were appointed responsible for this.
• Lieutenant P. Kakhovsky was supposed to kill Nikolai. This action was supposed to be a signal to action for the rebels.
• Conduct propaganda work among the soldiers and win them over to the side of the rebels.
• It was up to Kondraty Ryleev and Ivan Pushchin to convince the Senate to swear allegiance to the emperor.

Unfortunately, the future Decembrists did not think through everything. History says that traitors from among them made a denunciation of the impending rebellion to Nicholas, which finally convinced him to appoint the oath to the Senate in the early morning of December 14.

The uprising: how it happened

The uprising did not go according to the scenario that the rebels had planned. The Senate manages to swear allegiance to the emperor even before the campaign.

However, regiments of soldiers are lined up in battle formation on Senate Square, everyone is waiting for decisive action from the leadership. Ivan Pushchin and Kondraty Ryleev arrive there and assure the imminent arrival of the command, Prince Trubetskoy. The latter, having betrayed the rebels, sat out in the tsarist General Staff. He was unable to take the decisive actions that were required of him. As a result, the uprising was suppressed.

Arrests and trial

The first arrests and executions of the Decembrists began to take place in St. Petersburg.

An interesting fact is that the trial of those arrested was not carried out by the Senate, as it should have been, but by the Supreme Court, specially organized by Nicholas I for this case.

The fact is that shortly before the uprising he accepted A. Maiboroda as a member of the Southern Society, who turned out to be a traitor. Pestel is arrested in Tulchin and taken to the Peter and Paul Fortress in St. Petersburg.

Mayboroda also wrote a denunciation against N. Muravyov, who was arrested on his own estate.

There were 579 people under investigation. 120 of them were exiled to hard labor in Siberia (among them Nikita Muravyov), all were disgracefully demoted from military ranks. Five rebels were sentenced to death.

Execution

Addressing the court about a possible method of executing the Decembrists, Nikolai notes that blood should not be shed. Thus, they, the heroes of the Patriotic War, are sentenced to the shameful gallows...

Who were the executed Decembrists? Their surnames are as follows: Pavel Pestel, Pyotr Kakhovsky, Kondraty Ryleev, Sergei Muravyov-Apostol, Mikhail Bestuzhev-Ryumin. The sentence was read on July 12, and they were hanged on July 25, 1826. The place of execution of the Decembrists took a long time to be equipped: a gallows with a special mechanism was built. However, there were some complications: three convicts fell from their hinges and had to be hanged again.

In the place in the Peter and Paul Fortress where the Decembrists were executed there is now a monument, which is an obelisk and a granite composition. It symbolizes the courage with which the executed Decembrists fought for their ideals.

Introduction

The first Russian revolutionaries - the Decembrists - were fighters against serfdom and autocracy.
In the name of this goal, they took up arms on December 14, 1825 - in St. Petersburg, the then capital of the Russian Empire, on Senate Square, where the monument to Peter I stands. Based on the month of the uprising - December - they are called Decembrists.
There is much that is surprising and original in this revolutionary movement. The young nobles - the Decembrists - themselves belonged to the privileged noble class, the support of tsarism. They themselves had the right to own serfs, live on their noble estates, doing nothing, on the income from free peasant labor, from corvee and quitrent. But they rose up to fight serfdom, considering it shameful. The nobles were the support of tsarism - they occupied all leading positions in the tsarist administration and in the army, and could count on top positions. But they wanted to destroy tsarism, autocracy and their privileges.
The replacement of the feudal system by the bourgeois system was an important stage in the history of mankind. The revolutionary destruction of the outdated feudal system and the establishment of a new system of bourgeois-democratic relations were the main tasks of revolutionary movements everywhere at that time. In Russia there is also an urgent need to eliminate the old, outdated feudal serf system. The Decembrist movement was the first manifestation of this urgent struggle.
Thus, the Decembrist uprising does not stand alone in the world historical process - it has its own specific place in it. The speech of the Decembrists is one of the components in the world-historical process of the revolutionary struggle against the dilapidated feudal serf system.

Decembrists.

1. Secret societies.

The Patriotic War and the subsequent war for the liberation of Europe created a high patriotic upsurge in Russian society and the Russian army, and a long stay abroad familiarized the intelligent circles of Russian officers with ideological trends, social relations and political institutions of various European countries. In Europe at that time, there were two types of organizations that set themselves liberation goals: the German national-patriotic society, which was preparing an uprising against Napoleon in Germany, and political conspiratorial organizations (such as the Italian “Carbonari”), which were preparing political coups with the aim of introducing liberal constitutions. Both of these types of organizations were later reflected in the circles of future Russian Decembrists.
In the advanced circles of the officers who returned after the war for the liberation of Europe to the country of “Arakcheevism” and serfdom, in 1816-1817 a society called the Union of Salvation, or faithful and true sons of the fatherland, was formed. Among the members of the Union, disputes arose regarding the nature of the organization, and in 1818 the Union of Salvation was renamed the Union of Prosperity, which aimed to “spread the true rules of morality and education among compatriots, to assist the government in raising Russia to the level of greatness and prosperity, to which it was intended by its Creator.” The union covered a fairly wide range of St. Petersburg officers (the number of its members reached 200 people); members of the Union sought, on the one hand, for political and social reforms, on the other, they were engaged in educational and charitable activities and were distinguished by their humane treatment of subordinate soldiers. The union existed almost openly, but after the events of 1820 it was declared closed (1821). Instead of the Union of Welfare, in 1821-1822 two secret unions or societies were formed, which were already of a directly revolutionary nature.
At the head of the Northern Society in St. Petersburg were the Muravyov brothers, Prince S. P. Trubetskoy, N. I. Turgenev, Prince E. P. Obolensky, and the poet Ryleev. Southern society was formed in Tulchin, where the main headquarters of the second army, located in the Kiev and Podolsk provinces, was located; Its branches were in Kamenka and Vasilkov. At the head of the Southern Society was the most outstanding among the members of the organization, the talented, educated, energetic and ambitious Colonel Pestel, who defended extreme revolutionary tactics, including regicide and even the extermination of the entire imperial family; the most active members of the Southern Society were General Prince S.G. Volkonsky, Yushnovsky, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin.
In addition to the Southern and Northern societies, at this time the Society of United Slavs also arose, which aimed to establish a federal republic of all Slavic peoples. The political program of the Nordic society was a constitutional monarchy, with a federal structure similar to the United States of America.
Pestel’s political program was called “Russian Truth”, or “Order to the Temporary Supreme Government”. Pestel was a republican and, in his words, “in nothing did he see greater prosperity and supreme bliss for Russia than in republican rule.” However, in his program, he completely rejects the federal principle: his republic is Jacobin in nature - his plan presupposes a strong central government and a completely homogeneous structure of all parts of the state, which should be leveled not only administratively and politically, but even culturally. Serfdom as a state “against humanity, contrary to natural laws, contrary to the holy Christian faith,” must be immediately destroyed by the “Temporary Supreme Government.” The lands in each volost should be divided into two halves, one of which should be “given under the name of public land into the ownership of the volost society,” and the other half remains the property of the treasury or private individuals.
At the end of 1825, members of secret societies, unexpectedly for themselves, had an opportunity to attempt a coup d'etat, when after the death of Alexander I a short interregnum began in Russia. Alexander died on November 19, 1825 in Taganrog. The heir to the throne was his brother Konstantin, but the latter refused to inherit the throne back in 1822, giving it to his next brother, Nicholas. In 1823, Alexander prepared a manifesto about the abdication of Constantine and appointed Nicholas as heir, but did not make it public. The news of Alexander's death was received in St. Petersburg on November 27. Nikolai did not find it possible to use the unpublished manifesto; he swore allegiance himself and led the troops to the oath to Emperor Constantine, about which he sent the latter a report to Warsaw; Constantine confirmed his abdication twice, and about two weeks passed in these negotiations.
The conspiratorial officers decided to use the created situation to agitate among the soldiers against the accession of Nicholas. The oath to Nicholas was scheduled for (December 4; the majority of the St. Petersburg garrison swore the oath without complaint, but some units refused the oath and went out with weapons to Senate Square. The conspirators had in mind to force the Senate to publish a manifesto to the people on the “destruction of the former government” and on the introduction of a number of important reforms, such as: the abolition of serfdom, “equalization of the rights of all classes,” freedom of the press (“free printing and therefore the abolition of censorship”), “free worship of all faiths,” a public trial with a jury, the establishment of elected “volost, district, provincial and regional boards,” the destruction of military settlements, the reduction of military service, and, finally, the convening of the Great Council (i.e., the constituent assembly) to resolve the issue of the form of government, Prince Trubetskoy was elected “Dictator” of the revolutionary forces, but he lost faith. Despite the success of the uprising, he did not appear on Senate Square on December 14, which immediately caused confusion and confusion in the ranks of the rebels; Nicholas, for his part, did not dare to take military action against the rebels for a long time; Having gathered the troops who swore allegiance to him, he sent to the rebels with exhortations to submit one after another - the St. Petersburg military governor-general Miloradovich (one of the heroes of 1812), Metropolitan Seraphim, Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich; all exhortations remained unsuccessful, and General Miloradovich was killed by a shot from one of the conspirators; then Nicholas sent the horse guards to attack, but the attack was repulsed; Finally, Nicholas ordered the cannons to be advanced and open fire with grapeshot, and the rebels quickly dispersed, suffering heavy losses. Members of the Southern Society (in the Kyiv province) raised the Chernigov infantry regiment in an uprising, but it was soon suppressed (in early January 1826).
For six months, an investigation into the “Decembrists” was carried out, in which Nikolai himself took an intimate part.
120 people were transferred to the court - most of the guards officers; of these, 36 people were sentenced to death, but the tsar approved the death sentence only against the five main conspirators: Pestel, Ryleev, Kakhovsky, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin; the remaining officers, participants in the rebellion, were exiled to Siberia, to hard labor or to a settlement, the soldiers were sent to the active Caucasian army.

2. The place and role of the Decembrists in the history of Russia.

In 1825, Russia saw for the first time a revolutionary movement against tsarism, and this movement was represented almost exclusively by the nobles.
The Decembrists not only put forward slogans of struggle against autocracy and serfdom, but for the first time in the history of the revolutionary movement in Russia they organized open action in the name of these demands.
Thus, the Decembrist uprising was of great importance in the history of the revolutionary movement in Russia. This was the first open attack against the autocracy with arms in hand. Until this time, only spontaneous peasant unrest had occurred in Russia.
Between the spontaneous peasant uprisings of Razin and Pugachev and the speech of the Decembrists, a whole period of world history lay: its new stage was opened by the victory of the revolution in France at the end of the 18th century, the question of eliminating the feudal-absolutist system and establishing a new one - capitalist - arose in full force before Europe. The Decembrists belong to this new time, and this is an essential aspect of their historical significance. Their uprising was politically conscious, set itself the task of eliminating the feudal-absolutist system, and was illuminated by the progressive ideas of the era. For the first time in the history of Russia we can talk about a revolutionary program, about conscious revolutionary tactics, and analyze constitutional projects.
The slogans of the struggle against serfdom and autocracy put forward by the Decembrists were not slogans of accidental and transitory significance: they had great historical meaning and remained effective and relevant in the revolutionary movement for many years.
With their bitter experience, the Decembrists showed subsequent generations that the protest of an insignificant handful of revolutionaries is powerless without the support of the people. With the failure of their movement, with all their, in Pushkin’s words, “sorrowful labor,” the Decembrists seemed to bequeath to subsequent revolutionaries to build their plans counting on the active participation of the masses. The theme of the people as the main force of the revolutionary struggle has since firmly entered the consciousness of the leaders of the revolutionary movement. “The Decembrists did not have enough people on St. Isaac’s Square,” said the successor of the Decembrists, Herzen, “and this thought was already the result of assimilating the experience of the Decembrists.
This is the point of view of the Soviet historical school.
However, there are other approaches and assessments.
A shallow assimilation of the revolutionary teachings of the West and an attempt to apply them in Russia, according to Solovyov, constituted the main content of the Decembrist movement. Thus the entire revolutionary tradition ends
In the 18th and first quarter of the 19th century, it was presented as an introduced phenomenon, alien to the organic development of Russia. Eliminating its revolutionary core from social thought, Solovyov tried to present history as a struggle between two principles - Russophile-patriotic and Western-cosmopolitan.
Soloviev did not leave any special works dedicated to the Decembrists. But a number of statements quite clearly characterize his views. The Decembrist ideology seemed to him an echo of revolutionary ferment in the West, on the one hand, and a reaction to the miscalculations of government policy, on the other (the anti-national Peace of Tilsit, indifference to the fate of the rebel Greeks, the costs of Alexander's system of unions). However, pointing to the objective historical roots of the Decembrist uprising, Solovyov was far from justifying it. The very ideals and goals of the movement seemed to him a stillborn fruit of desk studies. “To thinking Russian people,” he wrote in “Notes,” “Russia seemed like a tabula rasa* on which one could write anything one wanted, write something thought out or even not yet thought through in the office, in a circle, after lunch or dinner.” He accused the leaders of Decembrism of being prone to dangerous political adventurism. This assessment was attached to P.I. Pestel’s promise to restore independent Poland within the borders of 1772, given in negotiations with the Poles. He even admitted that such a recklessly broad gesture could puzzle sober and prudent politicians - the Poles. The immaturity of Decembrist thought, he said, was expressed in the fact that “Bestuzhev, for example, proposed the introduction of an American form of government in Russia and Poland.”
But at the same time, his convictions were also disgusted by the official defamation of the Decembrist movement during the years of the Nikolaev reaction. In the distortion of the lessons of the Decembrist speech, Solovyov saw another confirmation of the isolation of the ruling layer from the people. The most annoying thing was that this vice in all its unsightly essence manifested itself precisely when, according to his ideas, special sensitivity to public opinion was required from the government. Civil society, which matured in the 19th century, demanded more flexible and sensitive treatment from government authorities. Soloviev was not alone in this conviction. Other historians of the bourgeois-liberal trend talked about the same thing, seeking favor from the government towards new amateur social formations (represented by the so-called “private unions” in the concept of Solovyov and V. O. Klyuchevsky, the classless intelligentsia - in the concept of A. A. Kornilov , “thinking society” - A. A. Kieswetter). While dealing with the grand dukes, Sergei Mikhailovich tried to get them to confirm the rule: “It is necessary to support collegial institutions, the elective principle, not to constrain, but at the same time vigilantly ensure that fragile unions do not allow themselves sloppiness and abuse.”
It is the comparison of points of view that allows us to see the whole picture of events and learn lessons.

Conclusion.

In the history of every country there are unforgettable memorable dates. Years pass, generations change, new and new people enter the historical arena, life, way of life, social outlook changes, but the memory of those events remains, without which there is no true history, without which national identity is unthinkable. December 1825 is a phenomenon of such an order, “ Senate Square" and "Chernigov Regiment" have long become historical cultural symbols. The first conscious movement for freedom - the first tragic defeat
His notes to S.P. Trubetskoy concludes with the following thoughts:
“The report published by the government at the end of the investigation carried out by the Secret Committee constituted for that purpose presented the then action of society as some kind of reckless malice of vicious and depraved people who extravagantly wanted only to create unrest in the Fatherland and did not have any noble goal other than the overthrow of the existing authorities and the establishment of anarchy in the Fatherland.
Unfortunately, the social structure of Russia is still such that military force alone, without the assistance of the people, can not only take the throne, but also change the form of government. A conspiracy of several regimental commanders is enough to renew phenomena similar to those that placed most of the reigning rulers on the throne. in the last century, especially Thanks to providence, now enlightenment has spread the concept that such palace coups do not lead to anything good, that a person who has concentrated in himself as a part cannot greatly arrange the well-being of the people in their present way of life, but that only an improved image of the state structure can time to punish the abuses and oppressions inseparable from autocracy, the person endowed with it, no matter how much it burns with love for the Fatherland, is not able to instill this feeling in the people to whom it must necessarily devote part of its power. The current state system cannot always exist and woe if it will change through a popular uprising. The circumstances surrounding the accession to the throne of the currently reigning sovereign were the most favorable for the introduction of a new order in the state structure and the safe participation of the people, but the highest state dignitaries either did not comprehend this or did not want its introduction. Resistance, which could be expected in spirit, Having captured the guards army, it had to wait, without any beneficial direction, it had to be resolved by a disorderly rebellion. The Secret Society took upon itself to turn it to a better goal.”

Bibliography

1. Memoirs of the Decembrists. - M.: Pravda, 1988. - 576 p.
2. M. V. Nechkina. Decembrists.- M.: Nauka, 1982.- 182 p.
3. S. G. Pushkarev Review of Russian history. - Stavropol, 1993. - 415 p.
4. S. M. Solovyov Public readings about Russian history. - M.: Respublika, 1992. - 350 p.
5. Reader on the history of Russia (19th century) / Ed. P.P. Epifanova, etc. - M.: Education, 1993 - 287 p.

The Decembrist uprising is an unprecedented phenomenon not only in Russian history, but also in world history. When the oppressed rise up in rebellion, it is easier, if not to justify them, then at least to understand them. But here the coup d'etat is being prepared not by the “humiliated and insulted,” but by high-ranking military men and hereditary nobles, among whom there are many eminent personalities.

The phenomenon of Decembrism

For this reason, the phenomenon of Decembrism is still not only unsolved, but also as far from an unambiguous assessment as it was in the 19th century.

The main thing that causes misunderstanding in the actions of the Decembrists so far is that they (not one of them) laid claim to power. This was the condition of their activity. Both then and now, the attitude towards the actions of the Decembrists is not uniform, including the attitude towards their execution: “They began to hang the bar and send them to hard labor, it’s a pity that they didn’t outweigh everyone ...” (a statement among cantonists, soldiers’ children) and “ In all honesty, I find that executions and punishments are disproportionate to the crimes” (words of Prince P. Vyazemsky).

The verdict of Nicholas I horrified society not only by the cruelty of the punishment of the participants in the uprising, but also by the hypocrisy of the emperor: he informed the Supreme Criminal Court, which decided the fate of the Decembrists, that it “rejects any execution associated with the shedding of blood.” Thus, he deprived the Decembrists sentenced to death of the right to execution. But two of them took part in the Patriotic War of 1812, had wounds and military awards - and now they were sentenced to a shameful death on the gallows. For example, P.I. Pestel, at the age of 19, was seriously wounded in the Battle of Borodino and was awarded a golden sword for bravery, and also distinguished himself in the subsequent foreign campaign of the Russian army. S.I. Muravyov-Apostol was also awarded a golden sword for his bravery in the Battle of Krasnoye.

Five Decembrists were sentenced to death by hanging:

P. Pestel

All the Decembrist prisoners were taken to the courtyard of the fortress and lined up in two squares: those belonging to the guards regiments and others. All sentences were accompanied by demotion, deprivation of ranks and nobility: the convicts' swords were broken, their epaulettes and uniforms were torn off and thrown into the fire of blazing fires. The Decembrist sailors were taken to Kronstadt and that morning the sentence of demotion was carried out on them on the flagship of Admiral Krone. Their uniforms and epaulettes were torn off and thrown into the water. “We can say that they tried to exterminate the first manifestation of liberalism with all four elements - fire, water, air and earth,” wrote the Decembrist V.I. in his memoirs. Steingel. More than 120 Decembrists were exiled for various periods to Siberia, to hard labor or settlement.

The execution took place on the night of July 25, 1826, on the crown of the Peter and Paul Fortress. During the execution, Ryleev, Kakhovsky and Muravyov-Apostol fell from their hinges and were hanged a second time. “You know, God doesn’t want them to die,” said one of the soldiers. And Sergei Muravyov-Apostol, standing up, said: “Cursed land, where they can neither form a conspiracy, nor judge, nor hang.”

Because of this unforeseen incident, the execution was delayed, it was dawn on the street, passers-by began to appear, so the funeral was postponed. The next night, their bodies were secretly taken away and buried on Goloday Island in St. Petersburg (presumably).

Pavel Ivanovich Pestel, colonel (1793-1826)

Born in Moscow into a family of Russified Germans who settled in Russia at the end of the 17th century. The first child in the family.

Education: primary home, then studied in Dresden in 1805-1809. Upon returning to Russia in 1810, he entered the Corps of Pages, from which he graduated brilliantly with his name inscribed on a marble plaque. He was sent as an ensign to the Lithuanian Life Guards Regiment. He took part in the Patriotic War of 1812 and was seriously wounded in the Battle of Borodino. Awarded a golden sword for bravery.

Returning to the army after being wounded, he was Count Wittgenstein's adjutant and participated in the campaigns of 1813-1814 abroad: the battles of Pirna, Dresden, Kulm, Leipzig, distinguished himself when crossing the Rhine, in the battles of Bar-sur-Aube and Troyes. Then, together with Count Wittgenstein, he was in Tulchin and from here he was sent to Bessarabia to collect information about the actions of the Greeks against the Turks, as well as for negotiations with the ruler of Moldavia in 1821.

In 1822, he was transferred as a colonel to the Vyatka infantry regiment, which was in a disorganized state, and within a year Pestel brought it into full order, for which Alexander I granted him 3,000 acres of land.

The idea of ​​improving society arose in him back in 1816, from the time of his participation in Masonic lodges. Then there was the Salvation Union, for which he drew up a charter, the Welfare Union and, after its self-liquidation, the Southern Secret Society, which he headed.

Pestel expressed his political views in the “Russian Truth” program he compiled, which was the main point of accusation against him by the Investigative Commission after the defeat of the uprising.

He was arrested on the road to Tulchin after the uprising on December 14, 1825, was imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress and after 6 months sentenced to quartering, replaced by hanging.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “Had intent to commit Regicide; he sought means for this, elected and appointed persons to carry it out; plotted the extermination of the IMPERIAL FAMILY and with composure counted all its members doomed to sacrifice, and incited others to do so; established and ruled with unlimited power the Southern Secret Society, which had the goal of rebellion and the introduction of republican rule; drew up plans, charters, constitution; excited and prepared for rebellion; participated in the plan to tear the Regions away from the Empire and took active measures to spread the society by attracting others.”

According to one of the officers, before his execution, Pestel said: “What you sow must come back and will certainly come back later.”

Pyotr Grigorievich Kakhovsky, lieutenant (1797-1826)

On December 14, 1825, he mortally wounded the Governor-General of St. Petersburg, hero of the Patriotic War of 1812, Count M.A. Miloradovich, commander of the Life Guards Grenadier Regiment, Colonel N.K. Sturler, as well as retinue officer P.A. Gastfer.

Born into a family of impoverished nobles in the village of Preobrazhenskoye, Smolensk province, he studied at a boarding school at Moscow University. In 1816, he entered the Life Guards Jaeger Regiment as a cadet, but was demoted to soldier for too violent behavior and dishonest attitude towards service. In 1817 he was sent to the Caucasus, where he rose to the rank of cadet and then to lieutenant, but was forced to resign due to illness. In 1823-24 he traveled through Austria, Germany, Italy, France and Switzerland, where he studied the political system and history of European states.

In 1825 he joined the Northern Secret Society. On December 14, 1825, the Guards Fleet crew raised itself and was one of the first to arrive at Senate Square, where it showed firmness and determination. Arrested on the night of December 15, imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

Having an ardent character, Kakhovsky was ready for the most daring actions. So, he was going to Greece to fight for its independence, and in a secret society he was a supporter of the destruction of autocratic power, the murder of the king and the entire royal dynasty, and the establishment of republican rule. At a meeting on December 13, 1825, at Ryleev’s, he was assigned the murder of Nicholas I (since Kakhovsky did not have his own family), but on the day of the uprising he did not dare to commit this murder.

During the investigation, he behaved very boldly, sharply criticized the emperors Alexander I and Nicholas I. In the Peter and Paul Fortress, he wrote several letters to Nicholas I and the investigators, which contained a critical analysis of Russian reality. But at the same time, he petitioned for relief of the fate of other arrested Decembrists.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “He intended to commit Regicide and exterminate the entire IMPERIAL FAMILY, and, being destined to encroach on the life of the now reigning GOVERNMENT EMPEROR, did not renounce this election and even expressed his consent, although he assures that he subsequently wavered; participated in spreading the riot by recruiting many members; personally acted in rebellion; excited the lower ranks and himself dealt a mortal blow to Count Miloradovich and Colonel Sturler and wounded the Suite Officer.”

Kondraty Fedorovich Ryleev, second lieutenant (1795-1826)

Born in the village of Batovo (now the Gatchina district of the Leningrad region) in the family of a small nobleman who managed the estate of Princess Golitsyna. From 1801 to 1814 he was educated within the walls of the St. Petersburg First Cadet Corps. He was a participant in the foreign campaigns of the Russian army in 1814-1815.

After his resignation in 1818, he served as assessor of the St. Petersburg Criminal Chamber, and from 1824 - the ruler of the office of the Russian-American Company.

He was a member of the “Free Society of Lovers of Russian Literature” and was the author of the famous satirical ode “To the Temporary Worker.” Together with A. Bestuzhev, he published the almanac “Polar Star”. His thought “The Death of Ermak” became a song.

In 1823 he joined the Northern Secret Society and headed its radical wing; he was a supporter of the republican system, although initially he took the position of monarchism. He was one of the leaders of the Decembrist uprising. But during the investigation, he completely repented of what he had done, took all the “guilt” upon himself, tried to justify his comrades, and hoped for the mercy of the emperor.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “Intended to commit Regicide; appointed a person to perform this task; planned for the imprisonment, expulsion and extermination of the IMPERIAL FAMILY and prepared the means for this; strengthened the activities of the Northern Society; he controlled it, prepared methods for rebellion, made plans, forced him to compose a Manifesto on the destruction of the Government; he himself composed and distributed outrageous songs and poems and accepted members; prepared the main means for the rebellion and was in charge of them; incited the lower ranks to revolt through their Chiefs through various seductions, and during the rebellion he himself came to the square.”

He addressed his last words on the scaffold to the priest: “Father, pray for our sinful souls, do not forget my wife and bless your daughter.”

Nicholas I, during the investigation, sent Ryleev’s wife 2 thousand rubles, and then the empress sent another thousand for her daughter’s name day. He took care of Ryleev’s family even after the execution: his wife received a pension until her second marriage, and his daughter until she came of age.

I know: destruction awaits

The one who rises first

On the oppressors of the people;

Fate has already doomed me.

But where, tell me, when was it

Freedom redeemed without sacrifice?

(K. Ryleev, from the poem “Nalivaiko”)

Sergei Ivanovich Muravyov-Apostol, lieutenant colonel (1796-1826)

Born in St. Petersburg and was the fourth child in the family of the famous writer of that time and statesman I.M. Muravyov-Apostol. He received his education at a private boarding school in Paris with his brother, M.I. Muravyov-Apostol, where their father served as Russian envoy. In 1809 he returned to Russia and was shocked by the situation in Russia that he saw anew after a long absence, especially the existence of serfdom. Upon his return, he entered the corps of railway engineers in St. Petersburg.

During the Patriotic War of 1812 he took part in many battles. For the battle of Krasnoye he was awarded a golden sword for bravery. Together with the Russian army he entered Paris and completed his foreign campaign there.

In 1820, the Semenovsky regiment, in which Muravyov-Apostol served, rebelled, and he was transferred to the Poltava, then to the Chernigov regiment as a lieutenant colonel. He was among the founders of the Union of Salvation and the Union of Welfare, as well as one of the most active members of Southern society. He established contact with the Society of United Slavs.

Muravyov-Apostol agreed with the need for regicide and was a supporter of republican rule.

He conducted propaganda among soldiers, being one of the leaders of the Decembrists. After the defeat of the uprising in St. Petersburg, the Chernigov regiment was raised, and “being surrounded by a detachment of hussars and artillerymen, he defended himself against the artillery itself, and, thrown to the ground by grapeshot, with the help of others he mounted his horse again and ordered him to go forward.”

He was taken prisoner, seriously wounded. Sentenced to death and hanged on the crown of the Peter and Paul Fortress.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “Had intent to commit Regicide; found funds, elected and appointed others; agreeing to the expulsion of the IMPERIAL FAMILY, he demanded in particular the murder of the TSESAREVICH and incited others to do so; had the intent to deprive the EMPEROR of his freedom; participated in the management of the Southern Secret Society throughout the entire scope of its outrageous plans; composed proclamations and incited others to achieve the goal of this society, to revolt; participated in the plot to secede the Regions from the Empire; took active measures to spread the society by attracting others; personally acted in rebellion with the readiness to shed blood; excited the soldiers; freed convicts; He even bribed a priest to read before the ranks of the rioters the false catechism he had compiled and was taken with arms in his hands.”

Mikhail Pavlovich Bestuzhev-Ryumin, second lieutenant (1801(1804)-1826)

Born in the village of Kudreshki, Gorbatovsky district, Nizhny Novgorod province. Father is a court councilor, mayor of the city of Gorbatov, from the nobility.

In 1816, the Bestuzhev-Ryumin family moved to Moscow. The future Decembrist received a good home education, entered service as a cadet in the Cavalry Guard Regiment, and in 1819 he was transferred to the Semenovsky Life Guards Regiment, where he was promoted to lieutenant ensign. After the uprising in the Semenovsky regiment, he was transferred to the Poltava Infantry Regiment, then he made a military career: ensign, battalion adjutant, front adjutant, second lieutenant.

Bestuzhev-Ryumin was one of the leaders of the Southern Society, which he was admitted to in 1823. Together with S.I. Muravyov-Apostol headed the Vasilkovsky council, was a participant in the congresses of the leaders of the Southern Society in Kamenka and Kyiv, and negotiated with the secret Polish society about joining the Southern Society of the Society of United Slavs. He led (together with S.I. Muravyov-Apostol) the uprising of the Chernigov regiment.

Arrested at the site of the uprising with weapons in hand, taken to St. Petersburg in chains from Bila Tserkva to the General Headquarters, and on the same day transferred to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Sentenced to hang.

From the verdict of the Supreme Court on the main types of crime: “Had intent to commit Regicide; sought means for this; he himself volunteered to kill the LORD EMPEROR of blessed memory and the now reigning GOVERNMENT EMPEROR; elected and appointed persons to carry it out; had the intention of exterminating the IMPERIAL FAMILY, expressed it in the most cruel terms scattering of ashes; had the intention of expelling the IMPERIAL FAMILY and depriving the freedom of the blessed memory of the GOVERNMENT EMPEROR and he himself volunteered to commit this last atrocity; participated in the management of the Southern Society; added Slavic to it; drafted proclamations and made outrageous speeches; participated in the composition of a false catechism; aroused and prepared for rebellion, demanding even oath promises by kissing the image; formed the intention to secede the Regions from the Empire and acted in its execution; took active measures to spread the society by attracting others; personally acted in rebellion with the readiness to shed blood; incited the Officers and soldiers to revolt and was taken with arms in hand.”

Executed on the crown of the Peter and Paul Fortress. He was buried along with other executed Decembrists on the island. Going hungry.

A monument was erected at the site of the death of the Decembrists. Under the bas-relief on the monument there is an inscription: “At this place on July 13/25, 1826, the Decembrists P. Pestel, K. Ryleev, P. Kakhovsky, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin were executed.” On the other side of the obelisk are carved verses by A. S. Pushkin:

Comrade, believe: she will rise,
Star of captivating happiness,
Russia will wake up from its sleep,
And on the ruins of autocracy, .

Introduction

The first Russian revolutionaries - the Decembrists - were fighters against serfdom and autocracy.
In the name of this goal, they took up arms on December 14, 1825 - in St. Petersburg, the then capital of the Russian Empire, on Senate Square, where the monument to Peter I stands. Based on the month of the uprising - December - they are called Decembrists.
There is much that is surprising and original in this revolutionary movement. The young nobles - the Decembrists - themselves belonged to the privileged noble class, the support of tsarism. They themselves had the right to own serfs, live on their noble estates, doing nothing, on the income from free peasant labor, from corvee and quitrent. But they rose up to fight serfdom, considering it shameful. The nobles were the support of tsarism - they occupied all leading positions in the tsarist administration and in the army, and could count on top positions. But they wanted to destroy tsarism, autocracy and their privileges.
The replacement of the feudal system by the bourgeois system was an important stage in the history of mankind. The revolutionary destruction of the outdated feudal system and the establishment of a new system of bourgeois-democratic relations were the main tasks of revolutionary movements everywhere at that time. In Russia there is also an urgent need to eliminate the old, outdated feudal serf system. The Decembrist movement was the first manifestation of this urgent struggle.
Thus, the Decembrist uprising does not stand alone in the world historical process - it has its own specific place in it. The speech of the Decembrists is one of the components in the world-historical process of the revolutionary struggle against the dilapidated feudal serf system.

Decembrists.

1. Secret societies.

The Patriotic War and the subsequent war for the liberation of Europe created a high patriotic upsurge in Russian society and the Russian army, and a long stay abroad familiarized the intelligent circles of Russian officers with ideological trends, social relations and political institutions of various European countries. In Europe at that time, there were two types of organizations that set themselves liberation goals: the German national-patriotic society, which was preparing an uprising against Napoleon in Germany, and political conspiratorial organizations (such as the Italian “Carbonari”), which were preparing political coups with the aim of introducing liberal constitutions. Both of these types of organizations were later reflected in the circles of future Russian Decembrists.
In the advanced circles of the officers who returned after the war for the liberation of Europe to the country of “Arakcheevism” and serfdom, in 1816-1817 a society called the Union of Salvation, or faithful and true sons of the fatherland, was formed. Among the members of the Union, disputes arose regarding the nature of the organization, and in 1818 the Union of Salvation was renamed the Union of Prosperity, which aimed to “spread the true rules of morality and education among compatriots, to assist the government in raising Russia to the level of greatness and prosperity, to which it was intended by its Creator.” The union covered a fairly wide range of St. Petersburg officers (the number of its members reached 200 people); members of the Union sought, on the one hand, for political and social reforms, on the other, they were engaged in educational and charitable activities and were distinguished by their humane treatment of subordinate soldiers. The union existed almost openly, but after the events of 1820 it was declared closed (1821). Instead of the Union of Welfare, in 1821-1822 two secret unions or societies were formed, which were already of a directly revolutionary nature.
At the head of the Northern Society in St. Petersburg were the Muravyov brothers, Prince S. P. Trubetskoy, N. I. Turgenev, Prince E. P. Obolensky, and the poet Ryleev. Southern society was formed in Tulchin, where the main headquarters of the second army, located in the Kiev and Podolsk provinces, was located; Its branches were in Kamenka and Vasilkov. At the head of the Southern Society was the most outstanding among the members of the organization, the talented, educated, energetic and ambitious Colonel Pestel, who defended extreme revolutionary tactics, including regicide and even the extermination of the entire imperial family; the most active members of the Southern Society were General Prince S.G. Volkonsky, Yushnovsky, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin.
In addition to the Southern and Northern societies, at this time the Society of United Slavs also arose, which aimed to establish a federal republic of all Slavic peoples. The political program of the Nordic society was a constitutional monarchy, with a federal structure similar to the United States of America.
Pestel’s political program was called “Russian Truth”, or “Order to the Temporary Supreme Government”. Pestel was a republican and, in his words, “in nothing did he see greater prosperity and supreme bliss for Russia than in republican rule.” However, in his program, he completely rejects the federal principle: his republic is Jacobin in nature - his plan presupposes a strong central government and a completely homogeneous structure of all parts of the state, which should be leveled not only administratively and politically, but even culturally. Serfdom as a state “against humanity, contrary to natural laws, contrary to the holy Christian faith,” must be immediately destroyed by the “Temporary Supreme Government.” The lands in each volost should be divided into two halves, one of which should be “given under the name of public land into the ownership of the volost society,” and the other half remains the property of the treasury or private individuals.
At the end of 1825, members of secret societies, unexpectedly for themselves, had an opportunity to attempt a coup d'etat, when after the death of Alexander I a short interregnum began in Russia. Alexander died on November 19, 1825 in Taganrog. The heir to the throne was his brother Konstantin, but the latter refused to inherit the throne back in 1822, giving it to his next brother, Nicholas. In 1823, Alexander prepared a manifesto on the abdication of Constantine and appointed Nicholas as heir, but did not make it public. The news of Alexander's death was received in St. Petersburg on November 27. Nikolai did not find it possible to use the unpublished manifesto; he swore allegiance himself and led the troops to the oath to Emperor Constantine, about which he sent the latter a report to Warsaw; Constantine confirmed his abdication twice, and about two weeks passed in these negotiations.
The conspiratorial officers decided to use the created situation to agitate among the soldiers against the accession of Nicholas. The oath to Nicholas was scheduled for (December 4; the majority of the St. Petersburg garrison swore the oath without complaint, but some units refused the oath and went out with weapons to Senate Square. The conspirators had in mind to force the Senate to publish a manifesto to the people on the “destruction of the former government” and on the introduction of a number of important reforms, such as: the abolition of serfdom, “equalization of the rights of all classes,” freedom of the press (“free printing and therefore the abolition of censorship”), “free worship of all faiths,” a public trial with a jury, the establishment of elected “volost, district, provincial and regional boards,” the destruction of military settlements, the reduction of military service, and, finally, the convening of the Great Council (i.e., the constituent assembly) to resolve the issue of the form of government, Prince Trubetskoy was elected “Dictator” of the revolutionary forces, but he lost faith. in the success of the uprising and on December 14 did not appear on Senate Square, which immediately brought confusion and confusion to the ranks of the rebels. Nicholas, for his part, hesitated for a long time to take military action against the rebels; Having gathered the troops who swore allegiance to him, he sent to the rebels with exhortations to submit one after another - the St. Petersburg military governor-general Miloradovich (one of the heroes of 1812), Metropolitan Seraphim, Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich; all exhortations remained unsuccessful, and General Miloradovich was killed by a shot from one of the conspirators; then Nicholas sent the horse guards to attack, but the attack was repulsed; Finally, Nicholas ordered the cannons to be advanced and open fire with grapeshot, and the rebels quickly dispersed, suffering heavy losses. Members of the Southern Society (in the Kyiv province) raised the Chernigov infantry regiment in an uprising, but it was soon suppressed (in early January 1826).
For six months, an investigation into the “Decembrists” was carried out, in which Nikolai himself took an intimate part.
120 people were transferred to the court - most of the guards officers; of these, 36 people were sentenced to death, but the tsar approved the death sentence only against the five main conspirators: Pestel, Ryleev, Kakhovsky, S. Muravyov-Apostol, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin; the remaining officers, participants in the rebellion, were exiled to Siberia, to hard labor or to a settlement, the soldiers were sent to the active Caucasian army.

2. The place and role of the Decembrists in the history of Russia.

In 1825, Russia saw for the first time a revolutionary movement against tsarism, and this movement was represented almost exclusively by the nobles.
The Decembrists not only put forward slogans of struggle against autocracy and serfdom, but for the first time in the history of the revolutionary movement in Russia they organized open action in the name of these demands.
Thus, the Decembrist uprising was of great importance in the history of the revolutionary movement in Russia. This was the first open attack against the autocracy with arms in hand. Until this time, only spontaneous peasant unrest had occurred in Russia.
Between the spontaneous peasant uprisings of Razin and Pugachev and the speech of the Decembrists, a whole period of world history lay: its new stage was opened by the victory of the revolution in France at the end of the 18th century, the question of eliminating the feudal-absolutist system and establishing a new one - capitalist - arose in full force before Europe. The Decembrists belong to this new time, and this is an essential aspect of their historical significance. Their uprising was politically conscious, set itself the task of eliminating the feudal-absolutist system, and was illuminated by the progressive ideas of the era. For the first time in the history of Russia we can talk about a revolutionary program, about conscious revolutionary tactics, and analyze constitutional projects.
The slogans of the struggle against serfdom and autocracy put forward by the Decembrists were not slogans of accidental and transitory significance: they had great historical meaning and remained effective and relevant in the revolutionary movement for many years.
With their bitter experience, the Decembrists showed subsequent generations that the protest of an insignificant handful of revolutionaries is powerless without the support of the people. With the failure of their movement, with all their, in Pushkin’s words, “sorrowful labor,” the Decembrists seemed to bequeath to subsequent revolutionaries to build their plans counting on the active participation of the masses. The theme of the people as the main force of the revolutionary struggle has since firmly entered the consciousness of the leaders of the revolutionary movement. “The Decembrists did not have enough people on St. Isaac’s Square,” said the successor of the Decembrists, Herzen, “and this thought was already the result of assimilating the experience of the Decembrists.
This is the point of view of the Soviet historical school.
However, there are other approaches and assessments.
A shallow assimilation of the revolutionary teachings of the West and an attempt to apply them in Russia, according to Solovyov, constituted the main content of the Decembrist movement. Thus, the entire revolutionary tradition ends
In the 18th and first quarter of the 19th century, it was presented as an introduced phenomenon, alien to the organic development of Russia. Eliminating its revolutionary core from social thought, Solovyov tried to present history as a struggle between two principles - Russophile-patriotic and Western-cosmopolitan.
Soloviev did not leave any special works dedicated to the Decembrists. But a number of statements quite clearly characterize his views. Decembrist ideology seemed to him an echo of revolutionary ferment in the West, on the one hand, and a reaction to the miscalculations of government policy, on the other (the anti-national Peace of Tilsit, indifference to the fate of the rebel Greeks, the costs of Alexander's system of unions). However, pointing to the objective historical roots of the Decembrist uprising, Solovyov was far from justifying it. The very ideals and goals of the movement seemed to him a stillborn fruit of desk studies. “To thinking Russian people,” he wrote in “Notes,” “Russia seemed to be a tabula rasa* on which one could write anything one wanted, write something thought out or even not yet thought through in the office, in a circle, after lunch or dinner.” He accused Decembrism of being prone to dangerous political adventurism. This assessment was attached to P. I. Pestel’s promise to restore independent Poland within the borders of 1772, given in negotiations with the Poles. He even admitted that such a recklessly broad gesture could puzzle sober and prudent politicians. Poles. The immaturity of Decembrist thought, according to him, was expressed in the fact that “Bestuzhev, for example, proposed the introduction of an American form of government in Russia and Poland.”
But at the same time, his convictions were also disgusted by the official defamation of the Decembrist movement during the years of the Nikolaev reaction. In the distortion of the lessons of the Decembrist speech, Solovyov saw another confirmation of the isolation of the ruling layer from the people. The most annoying thing was that this vice in all its unsightly essence manifested itself precisely when, according to his ideas, special sensitivity to public opinion was required from the government. Civil society, which matured in the 19th century, demanded more flexible and sensitive treatment from government authorities. Soloviev was not alone in this conviction. Other historians of the bourgeois-liberal trend talked about the same thing, seeking favor from the government towards new amateur social formations (represented by the so-called “private unions” in the concept of Solovyov and V. O. Klyuchevsky, the classless intelligentsia - in the concept of A. A. Kornilov , “thinking society” - A. A. Kieswetter). Working with the grand dukes, Sergei Mikhailovich tried to ensure that they confirmed the rule: “It is necessary to support collegial institutions, the elective principle, not to constrain, but at the same time vigilantly ensure that fragile unions do not allow themselves sloppiness and abuse.”
It is the comparison of points of view that allows us to see the whole picture of events and learn lessons.

Conclusion.

In the history of every country there are unforgettable memorable dates. Years pass, generations change, new and new people enter the historical arena, life, way of life, social outlook change, but the memory of those events remains, without which there is no true history, without which national identity is unthinkable. December 1825 is a phenomenon of such an order, “ Senate Square" and "Chernigov Regiment" have long become historical cultural symbols. The first conscious movement for freedom - the first tragic defeat
His notes to S.P. Trubetskoy concludes with the following thoughts:
“The report published by the government at the end of the investigation carried out by the Secret Committee constituted for that purpose presented the then action of society as some kind of reckless malice of vicious and depraved people who extravagantly wanted only to create unrest in the Fatherland and did not have any noble goal other than the overthrow of the existing authorities and the establishment of anarchy in the Fatherland.
Unfortunately, the social structure of Russia is still such that military force alone, without the assistance of the people, can not only take the throne, but also change the form of government. A conspiracy of several regimental commanders is enough to renew phenomena similar to those that placed most of the reigning rulers on the throne. in the last century, especially Thanks to providence, now enlightenment has spread the concept that such palace coups do not lead to anything good, that a person who has concentrated in himself as a part cannot greatly arrange the well-being of the people in their present way of life, but that only an improved image of the state structure can time to punish the abuses and oppressions inseparable from autocracy, the person endowed with it, no matter how much it burns with love for the Fatherland, is not able to instill this feeling in the people to whom it must necessarily devote part of its power. The current state system cannot always exist and woe if it will change through a popular uprising. The circumstances that accompanied the accession to the throne of the currently reigning sovereign were the most favorable for the introduction of a new order in the state structure and the safe participation of the people, but the highest state dignitaries either did not comprehend this or did not want its introduction. Resistance, which could be expected in spirit, Having captured the guards army, it had to wait, without any beneficial direction, it had to be resolved by a disorderly rebellion. The Secret Society took upon itself to turn it to a better goal.”

Bibliography

1. Memoirs of the Decembrists. - M.: Pravda, 1988. - 576 p.
2. M. V. Nechkina. Decembrists.- M.: Nauka, 1982.- 182 p.
3. S. G. Pushkarev Review of Russian history. - Stavropol, 1993. - 415 p.
4. S. M. Solovyov Public readings about Russian history. - M.: Respublika, 1992. - 350 p.
5. Reader on the history of Russia (19th century) / Ed. P.P. Epifanova, etc. - M.: Education, 1993 - 287 p.