Zimyanin secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Mikhail zimyanin - from ambassador to editor-in-chief of Pravda and secretary of the central committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

About a difficult and ambiguous time, about the role of the individual in the fate and development of a huge country and a small union republic - in the memoirs of Vladimir Zimyanin, the son of Mikhail Vasilyevich.

Vietnamese gambit

And Khrushchev continued to settle scores with Ponomarenko. At the next party congress, Panteleimon Kondratyevich was removed from the list of candidates for members of the Presidium of the Central Committee and sent as ambassador to Poland, and then to India. Mikhail Zimyanin in 1956 "Demoted" from members of the Central Committee to members of the Audit Commission and sent away from Moscow Ambassador to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam who had just won the war against the French colonialists.

Soon after his arrival in Hanoi, the Soviet ambassador, on the basis of information collected by the diplomats of the embassy and received through the channels of military and political intelligence, prepared and sent a cipher telegram to Moscow. It reported that as a result of the activities of advisers sent from China and some members of the Vietnamese leadership who were under their influence, the country was on the brink of civil war. The campaign to "streamline" the composition of the ruling Workers' Party of Vietnam and the accelerated agrarian reform, which was carried out according to Chinese recipes, led to massive repression. Tens of thousands ended up in prisons and camps " aimed at re-education Vietnamese, among whom there were many communists.

After reading the telegram prepared by Mikhail Zimyanin, Khrushchev became furious: “ What nonsense is this boy writing ?!». Anastas Mikoyan, who was on an official visit to India, was instructed to visit Hanoi and investigate the situation on the spot.

Mikoyan flew to Vietnam. As Zimyanin recalled, “ there was an argument, even abuse”, But the ambassador managed to prove his correctness in assessing the situation. After negotiations with Mikoyan, Chairman of the DRV Communist Party Ho Chi Minh, in the words of Zimyanin, “ blocked by reformers", Insisted on the arrival in Hanoi of one of the Chinese leaders, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China Chen Yun who dealt with economic issues. As a result of two days of discussions with the participation of Soviet representatives, an agreement was reached to withdraw the Chinese instructors. At an urgently convened plenum, a new General Secretary of the Workers' Party of Vietnam was elected Le Duan who previously worked underground in South Vietnam. Agrarian reform was suspended until “ elimination of kinks". Repression, which affected every second communist, was stopped. Innocent convicts were released from prison.

Ho Chi Minh highly appreciated the support of the Soviet side in a difficult situation for him. He treated the ambassador with special sympathy, often invited him to his residence, consulted, spoke openly about painful issues, recalled his work in the Comintern. Zimyanin had great respect for Ho Chi Minh, considering him one of the most prominent political figures of our time. Somehow they even looked alike: both were short, thin, fit, polite.

Many years later, Vietnamese friends will celebrate his 70th birthday with Mikhail Vasilyevich, awarding the Golden Order of Ho Chi Minh for special services in strengthening Soviet-Vietnamese friendship.

Khrushchev was extremely flattered that Soviet diplomats were able to help the Vietnamese overcome a severe political crisis. The authority and influence of the USSR increased not only in Vietnam, but throughout the region of Southeast Asia.

Between Dubchek and Navotny

After the Vietnam episode, Khrushchev changed his attitude towards Zimyanin. After return to Moscow in 1958 year Mikhail Vasilievich was appointed Head of the Far Eastern Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was reintroduced to the collegium of the ministry.

Zimyanin accompanied Khrushchev on a trip to China in 1959. Negotiations with Mao Zedong and other Beijing leaders Nikita Sergeevich assessed as "friendly, but ineffectual." He was satisfied with Zimyanin's work, which he told his assistants.

The position of the ambassador to Czechoslovakia was considered one of the most prestigious in the Foreign Ministry - due to the special nature of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations, both on the state and party lines. By the early 1960s, the leaders of the Soviet Union viewed Czechoslovakia as their most reliable ally. " With the Soviet Union - for ever!" These words Clement Gottwald, the first communist president of the country, became the main slogan that determined its political course for a long time.

According to Khrushchev's plans, for the post of ambassador to Prague, which was previously held by such professional diplomats as Valerian Zorin and Nikolay Firubin, it was necessary to select a major party worker, preferably with experience in diplomatic activities. This idea was supported by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the head of the department of the Central Committee of the CPSU for relations with the communist and workers' parties of the socialist countries. Yuri Andropov, who took this post after the Hungarian events of 1956. On their recommendation, approved by Khrushchev, Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Was appointed Ambassador of the USSR to Czechoslovakia in February 1960 Mikhail Vasilyevich Zimyanin.

He spent five years in Prague. From the very beginning, established good relations with the President of the country Antonin Navotny, with the Minister of Foreign Affairs Vaclav David... He often visited Bratislava, where he met with Alexander Stepanovich, or Sasha, as the first secretary of the Communist Party of Slovakia liked to call himself among his Russian friends Alexander Dubchek.

Dubchek, who spent his childhood and adolescence in the Soviet Union, was fluent in Russian and in conversations with Mikhail Vasilyevich did without an interpreter. And these conversations were often very sincere. Dubchek did not hide his dislike for Navotny, who, in his opinion, personified the worst traits of a party functionary.

Zimyanin knew that the president paid Dubcek the same coin, considering the Slovak leader an upstart, careerist who undeservedly enjoys the Kremlin's sympathy.

For the time being, the ambassador managed to soften the tension in relations between Navotny and Dubchek. Zimyanin often had to defend Dubcek from undeserved accusations and far-fetched claims from the president and his inner circle. Naturally, he regularly informed Moscow about all the vicissitudes of the seemingly normal political life of Czechoslovakia, about its economic development, social problems and, last but not least, about the latent, but tough confrontation between the "pro-Soviet" and "pro-Western" groups in the top party and state leadership.

The Czechoslovak Communist Party and its leaders, Zimyanin reported to Moscow, are increasingly fencing themselves off from real life and, consequently, from the masses. Overly bureaucratic administrative apparatus, which causes general discontent. In a country with a developed industry, scientific and technological progress is clearly underestimated. There are serious contradictions in political relations between Czechs and Slovaks. Antonin Navotny, according to Zimyanin, “ a person who is politically honest, but insufficiently prepared and far-sighted", Does not want to notice the miscalculations and mistakes he has made, and sometimes even worsens them with ill-conceived administrative-command measures.

Leaving Prague in 1965, Zimyanin shared his concerns with his successor as ambassador S. V. Chervonenko: « The situation is getting worse!».

Antonin Navotny was clearly losing the battle with the pro-Western petty-bourgeois opposition that was growing in the party. The unexpected resignation for him in October 1964 of Nikita Khrushchev, whom he sincerely considered his close friend, Navotny took as a personal insult, since Khrushchev was removed from power a few days after his official visit to Czechoslovakia.

During his first meeting with the new Soviet leaders Leonid Brezhnev and Alexei Kosygin, Navotny accused Zimyanin of concealing important information from Moscow and at the same time expressed doubts about the objectivity of the messages transmitted by the Soviet ambassador.

In such a rather tense situation, Brezhnev, being a gambling man, decided to take a chance. When all the arguments in defense of the Soviet ambassador in Prague seemed to have been exhausted, Brezhnev made a rather risky move. " Please do not get excited, comrade Navotny,- he said peacefully. - If you want, we will show you all Zimyanin's cipher telegrams". Navotny shyly refused.

It is appropriate to recall here that encrypted telegrams from embassies, containing, as a rule, the most important and urgent information, have always been and, I think, will be the most secret for a long time, and therefore are very carefully protected by diplomatic state documents.

Zimyanin returned to Moscow. For about six months he worked at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as Deputy Foreign Minister, and in September 1965, at the suggestion of Leonid Brezhnev and the main ideologist of the party Mikhail Suslov was appointed to the post editor-in-chief the central organ of the CPSU, the first newspapers of the country - "Pravdy".

Zimyanin continued to closely monitor the political situation in Prague and was convinced with bitterness and anxiety that his worst forebodings were coming true. Troubled times set in in Czechoslovakia.

Chill of the Prague Spring

In December 1967, Brezhnev, as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, paid an official visit to Prague. When he returned, he shared with his closest circle his impressions of the trip:

From the first minutes, while still at the airport, I felt that something was wrong. First Secretary Navotny complains about his members of the Presidium. They try to call me aside, or even ask for a conversation almost at night, they hide the first secretary, who, they say, will bring the matter completely to the handle, if he is not removed. My guys say that they are whispering everything to them from all sides. I think: well, a turmoil here begins for them, and everyone pulls to their side, draws them into allies. And why do I need this? I tell my friends: “ Get the plane ready, we'll fly tomorrow. It was still not enough to get involved in their internal quarrel. Let them figure it out».

Brezhnev left Prague with the words: “ Do whatever you want!", Which predetermined the further development of events in Czechoslovakia.

In January 1968, the party was led by Dubcek, who sincerely believed in the idea of ​​socialism "with a human face." A few months later, Brezhnev will ask Dubchek: “ If you have socialism with a human face, then what is it with us?».

The "Prague Spring" came with its heated discussions on the democratization of the party and the country, numerous rallies demanding cleansing from the totalitarian past, attempts to carry out market reforms, the abolition of censorship and the "liberalization" of the media. In the summer in Prague, there were already calls for Czechoslovakia to withdraw from the Warsaw Pact.

At the end of June 1968 g. Zimyanin visited Prague on behalf of the leadership of the Central Committee of the CPSU " to further study the situation". His visit was, let's say, unofficial.

On July 2, at a meeting of the Politburo, Mikhail Vasilyevich reported on the results of his trip:

The situation in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia is very difficult. The party is essentially split. The decisions of the Presidium are not carried out even by its members. The persecution of active Party workers in the right positions is carried out with merciless force. More than two hundred secretaries of regional and city committees were thrown into the street without any material support.

You are painting a rather gloomy picture, - discontent sounded in Brezhnev's voice. - Well, what do we do, in your opinion?

After a moment's pause Zimyanin replied:

Having listed the measures that should be taken in order to get out of the crisis politically, Zimyanin opposed the proposal to leave Soviet military units on the territory of Czechoslovakia after the end of the maneuvers of the troops of the Warsaw Pact countries, which they insisted on Nikolay Podgorny, Arvid Pelsh, Pavel Shelest, Yuri Andropov.

Tending to political methods of influencing the Czechoslovak leadership, Brezhnev was cautious: “ It is important for us to understand exactly now whether we are not mistaken in assessing the events in Czechoslovakia. All our steps will depend on this.". Brezhnev announced to his associates that in the event of the loss of Czechoslovakia, he would leave the post of General Secretary.

Long and difficult negotiations between Soviet and Czechoslovak leaders, including an unprecedented five-day meeting of all members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in Chernaya nad Tisou, meetings of the leaders of the Warsaw Pact countries in Dresden, Warsaw, in Bratislava did not bring the desired results. one of the parties.

On the night of August 20-21, 1968, troops of the Soviet Union, Poland, East Germany, Bulgaria and Hungary entered Czechoslovakia.

In military-technical terms, this operation was carried out flawlessly. Unexpectedly for NATO intelligence, in a matter of hours hundreds of thousands of soldiers were deployed by air and by land to the center of Europe, airfields and other important military facilities were seized without bloodshed. The Soviet Army, like the Allied troops, had the strictest order: “ Do not open fire on the fraternal Czechoslovak people!».

We must pay tribute to the Czechoslovak soldiers who, clenching their teeth, carried out the president's order Ludwika Svoboda and defense minister M. Dzury not to offer resistance to troops invading their homeland.

Brezhnev was pleased with how the "Czechoslovak epic" ended. In his opinion, at a relatively inexpensive price, it was possible to defend the highest interests of the USSR and the entire socialist community, to preserve stability in Europe.

Dubcek remained in power until April 1969, gradually losing ground to figures more loyal to Moscow. He returned from political oblivion in the late 1980s as a result of the "Velvet Revolution", heading the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia, but he did not reach such peaks of popularity at home and abroad as during the "Prague Spring". Many rumors gave rise to his unexpected and absurd death in a car accident.

Although the situation in Prague in August 1968 did not inspire doubts, Zimyanin could not help but think about how necessary and legitimate the actions taken by the USSR and its loyal allies on “ defending the gains of socialism in Czechoslovakia».

Returning to this topic in the 1990s, Mikhail Vasilyevich made the following entry: “ Yet this operation was erroneous in political relations. In its methods, it resembled the traditional methods of the great colonial powers in the past, which now claim a major role in international affairs.».

In the labyrinths of the Kremlin

For almost 11 years, longer than any of his predecessors, he occupied position of editor-in-chief of Pravda Mikhail Vasilyevich Zimyanin. He worked furiously, from morning to night. Through his efforts, the newspaper began to appear daily on six pages.

One of Zimyanin's closest comrades, who served with him for many years - from Pravda to the Central Committee - Boris Ivanovich Stukalin recalled:

« I was extremely lucky that I had to work together with Mikhail Vasilyevich Zimyanin, a man of crystal purity, sincere, kind and sympathetic, unshakable in his convictions. For me, he was and remains the personification of all the best that is in the Belarusian people ...»

In addition to working on the current issues of the newspaper, Mikhvas, as he was called behind his back in the editorial office, held daily meetings of the editorial board, managed to work with editorial departments, receive authors, visitors, participate in various meetings, sessions, etc. that he was Head of the Union of Journalists of the USSR... The load is simply incredible!

« I owe him a lot humanly,- recalls Evgeny Primakov, who worked under Zimyanin's leadership in the 1960s for the Pravda newspaper. - For example, at least the fact that he categorically opposed my assignment to the south of Arabia, already prepared by the editorial board, to a partisan detachment in Dafar, which was waging an armed struggle against the British, who still ruled in Aden. "It's too dangerous, I value you," - these words of Mikhail Vasilyevich touched me to the depths of my soul, although in a journalistic way I wanted to give material to Pravda from the scene of the battles».

At the age of 60, Mikhail Vasilyevich Zimyanin received one of the highest state awards - the Gold Star Hero of Socialist Labor... A year and a half later, he was elected to one of the highest positions in the ruling Communist Party of the Soviet Union - secretary of its Central Committee.

Prominent diplomat and African scholar Anatoly Andreevich Gromyko told about his meeting with Zimyanin already as secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU in his book “ Andrey Gromyko. Kremlin labyrinths».

« Mikhail Vasilyevich met me in his usual strict manner. Like many office workers, his face was ash gray. This short man, however, had a strong, restless and prickly character. In the past, during the years of the struggle against fascism, Zimyanin, showing courage, was a partisan, more than once he looked death in the face. Obviously, he believed that this alone makes him infallible. In the secretariat, he supervised science and public organizations. He led this important area of ​​Soviet life harshly and uncompromisingly, being especially irreconcilable to any deviations in practice from the theory of Marxism-Leninism, within the framework, of course, as he himself accepted it ... On the whole, I liked Zimyanin. He sincerely worried about Soviet power and socialism. He certainly did a lot for them. From conversations with him, I got the strong impression that Mikhail Vasilyevich was especially worried about the Russian people, believed that his needs in the state were being met extremely insufficiently. Zimyanin in the Soviet leadership was a real Russophile. But he, like Gromyko, worked in a system that was thoroughly imbued with the spirit of leaderism. This situation fettered everyone, without exception, including him too.».

Recalling the spring of 1983, Mikhail Vasilyevich Zimyanin wrote in his diary: “ Then Andropov said that he intended to introduce me to the Politburo of the Central Committee, but subject to certain changes in my behavior. He talked about it more than once ... I turned down his offer". Zimyanin's tenacity " stopped their years of disinterested friendship". True, this friendship was sometimes overshadowed by episodes that Zimyanin forced himself to regard as inevitable due to the nature of Andropov's work as head of the KGB.

In April 1983, the last private conversation took place between two old friends - Mikhail Vasilyevich and Yuri Vladimirovich.

At first, Andropov was good-natured.

Get ready, Misha. After the Plenum of the Central Committee, you will receive the Suslov inheritance. Let's work together. I want to tell you that you can count on support Alieva... You know, he conducts transport and the social sphere in the Council of Ministers, therefore, cultural issues are also on it ...

Yuri Vladimirovich, - General Secretary Zimyanin could not resist and interrupted, - with all due respect to Heydar Alievich ... Tell me, was it reasonable to entrust him, a native of Transcaucasia, with the issues of Russian culture ?!

There was an awkward pause, which was broken by Andropov.

Let's talk about something else, Mikhail Vasilyevich, - he said quietly, looking somewhere to the side. - You are responsible for ideology, for its purity. Isn't it time to call to order our Russianists who have gone too far?

Russianists, Yuri Vladimirovich, as I understand it, are called specialists in the Russian language and literature in the West, - Zimyanin said quietly but firmly. - If you mean famous historians and writers of a patriotic trend, "Slavophiles", as some of our colleagues call them quite conventionally, then I want to report to you that I do not have to re-educate them, let alone subject them to persecution or any punishment. intent. And I sincerely advise you not to do this.

Glancing probingly at Zimyanin, Andropov silently got up from the table, making it clear that the conversation was over.

The election of Mikhail Vasilyevich to the Politburo did not take place. Over the next months, Andropov and Zimyanin maintained emphatically official relations.

On the evening of November 21, 1983, at Zimyanin's dacha, the phone rings for the Kremlin communications.

Andropov spoke slowly, breathing heavily: “ Misha, if you can, forgive me ...". There were frequent beeps in the receiver.

« Prior to Andropov's election as Secretary General,- Mikhail Vasilyevich wrote in his diary, - we were bound by a long-standing friendship. I was attracted to him by a lively mind, tact, benevolence. But his years on the KGB changed him dramatically. He became tougher, more alert, and irreconcilable. True, he did not allow any special repressions. He did not have a reputation as a punisher.

Working in the KGB, on the one hand, gave him full information about all the negative phenomena in the country, and on the other hand, it made it impossible to acquire the necessary administrative and economic experience. Andropov came to lead the country without the qualities that such well-known leaders as Kosygin or Dmitry Ustinov possessed.

I don’t want to say bad things about him, but I could not come to terms with some of his principled views and beliefs, which determined our final break. ”

It is noteworthy that Mikhail Vasilyevich refrained from speaking about the version that spread after the death of Andropov (about his involvement in the death of such major political figures as Fedor Kulakov, Andrey Grechko, Mikhail Suslov and finally Leonid Brezhnev).

It is known that in November 1982 a plenum of the Central Committee was to be held, at which the leadership of the party and the country would pass to Vladimir Vasilievich Shcherbitsky, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. Brezhnev was prepared for the honorary position of the Chairman of the CPSU. They said that at this plenum Andropov would resign for health reasons. The seriousness of Brezhnev's intentions was confirmed Ivan Vasilievich Kapitonov, who for many years served as secretary of the CPSU Central Committee on personnel policy. Two weeks before his death, Brezhnev invited him to his office and said: “ Do you see this chair? In a month Shcherbitsky will be sitting in it. Solve all personnel issues with this in mind". This version was confirmed in his memoirs by the former First Secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee Victor Grishin... In the special garage of the Ninth Directorate of the KGB, which served the top officials of the party and the state, a car was being prepared for Shcherbitsky. But these plans, as you know, were not destined to come true. After the sudden death of Leonid I. Brezhnev on November 10, 1982, Andropov was elected General Secretary. During all the months of his stay in power, Vladimir Shcherbitsky never crossed the threshold of the Andropov cabinet.

"Statement of one hundred and ten"

At the January 1987 Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Vasilyevich Zimyanin was relieved of his duties as secretary of the CPSU Central Committee with the classical formulation - “ for health". In this case, the wording was fully consistent with reality. Mikhail Vasilyevich had a severe form asthma.

For two years Zimyanin remained in the Central Committee, while the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev did not dare to get rid of a large group of old communists, who exerted a certain restraining influence on the policies pursued by him and his closest associates Alexander Yakovlev and Eduard Shevardnadze.

In April 1989, Mikhail Vasilyevich was invited to Staraya Square to see Gorbachev. In the reception room of the secretariat, ten more pensioners, members of the Central Committee, were waiting for the meeting with the General Secretary.

For an hour and a half, the old people listened attentively to Gorbachev's streamlined arguments about the situation in the country, the world, and the need to renew the party leadership.

Zimyanin was the first to break down: “ Mikhail Sergeevich, tell me bluntly what the Politburo needs from us? Introduce young people to the Central Committee? Please. Many of us have retired, we will write requests for release. Is that what you want?»

Gorbachev was pleased: “ Well, in general, you got my point right».

The next day, more than a hundred people gathered at Gorbachev's. The Secretary General, pointing to Zimyanin and other participants in yesterday's meeting, announced: “ Here are eleven respected members of the Central Committee took the initiative, so to speak, to attract young energetic cadres to the management of the party. This is important for restructuring. What do you think, comrades?". The "comrades" understood everything and surrendered their mandates at the next Plenum of the Central Committee. Thus 110 were withdrawn from the Central Committee the most experienced, honored communists.

Zimyanin wrote a "statement of one hundred and ten" on the resignation of powers of the members of the Central Committee at the request of the General Secretary. After the plenum, Gorbachev invited Mikhail Vasilyevich to his place and thanked him for his support.

In conclusion, Mikhail Sergeevich, I would like to say one thing to you - now Zimyanin turned to Gorbachev as “you”. - You need to think more about the Russian people, take care of them. It contains all the power of the state. Take care of him ...

Wait, wait, Mikhail Vasilyevich, - Gorbachev smiled, - you are, it turns out, a state ...

That was where the conversation ended.

"I love my generation"

Apparently, there were reasons to classify M.V. Zimyanin among the hidden defenders of the so-called "Russian Party" in Nikolay Mitrokhin, the author of the book " Russian party. The movement of Russian nationalists in the USSR. 1953-1985 years". It seems that the name "Russian Party", like the concept of "Russianists", the story of the tsarist service at the daughter's wedding Grigory Romanov, with Brezhnev's golden ring, with countless diamonds of his daughter, and many other subjects causing righteous civil anger, Andropov's nestlings were created from the Fifth "Ideological" Directorate of the KGB of the USSR.

For them, the mysterious "Russian Party" was a very convenient and capacious basket into which all patriotic groups or individuals dumped indiscriminately.

In the 1970s, a stream of letters literally poured into the CPSU Central Committee, in which members of the underground and partisan movement during the Great Patriotic War complained about the unfair attitude of the authorities towards them, which did not recognize their merits in the fight against the fascist invaders. Especially a lot of complaints came from Ukraine. The names of many underground fighters, for reasons of conspiracy, were not included in the partisan lists, and this served as the basis for refusing to issue veteran certificates.

For three days, representatives of the party bodies of Ukraine, Belarus, a number of regions of Russia, as well as the military and security officers discussed this problem. At the meeting, convened at the initiative of Zimyanin, it was decided: if participation in partisan operations and in the underground is confirmed by witnesses, the participant receives the relevant documents. Zimyanin proposed to equate the underground with the partisans... This was not done, despite numerous appeals, neither under Stalin, nor under Khrushchev. And the fight in the underground was no less risky than the battles in partisan detachments, and often ended in the death of the underground in fascist dungeons.

Originally Mikhail Suslov took this proposal with doubt: “ Misha, won't we get a hundred thousand fake partisans as a result?».

Such a possibility cannot be ruled out, but millions will finally feel fair treatment. He will have something to be proud of, there will be something to tell his grandchildren, - answered Zimyanin.

To Suslov's credit, he did not hesitate for long. I reported to Brezhnev, and he immediately agreed.

For two years of hard work of party members, military, security officers, the number of participants in the partisan movement in Ukraine increased by a million and amounted to one and a half million people. To their joy, hundreds of thousands of fighters against fascism in Russia and long-suffering Belarus, which lost more than three and a half million of its citizens, every third in the war, received certificates ...

My father was happy when he was invited to participate in the preparation of the collection “ Living memory"Dedicated to the fiftieth anniversary of the Great Victory. Zimyanin's article as one of the organizers of the partisan movement opened a section of documentary evidence about the nationwide struggle against the German fascist invaders. He managed to see his work in print.

Being especially acutely aware of the transience of the time allotted to him, Mikhail Vasilyevich Zimyanin hastened to express on paper the most important thing that he, suffering at night from the thoughts that overwhelmed him, firmly defined for himself at the end of his life:

« I am in many ways sinful. Didn't do much. I didn't think about many things. I was wrong in many ways. Made a lot of mistakes. The only consolation is that I have always tried to honestly serve the Motherland. With this I will die!

I love my generation, once mighty, now it resembles a cut down forest. We have been privileged to work and fight for most of the outgoing twentieth century, in my mind, one of the most controversial periods in the life of all mankind. "

This is the last entry in my father's diary.

Mikhail Vasilievich Zimyanin(Belarusian Mikhail Vasilevich Zimyanin; November 21, 1914, Vitebsk, - May 1, 1995, Moscow) - Soviet party leader, Hero of Socialist Labor, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the USSR. Deputy of the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 2-3 and 7-11 convocations from the RSFSR.

Biography

Born in Vitebsk in a working class family.

He began his career in 1929 as a worker of a steam locomotive repair depot. In 1934-1936 he was a teacher at school, in 1936-1938 in the ranks of the Red Army.

In 1938 he was promoted to Komsomol work. Since 1939, a member of the CPSU (b). In 1939 he graduated from the Mogilev Pedagogical Institute. Since 1939 - Secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Belarus. In 1940-1946 he served as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Belarus. With the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, he was engaged in the creation of the Komsomol underground and the formation of underground Komsomol bodies. As a member of the North-Western Operational Group of the Central Committee of the CP (b) B, he worked on the deployment of underground and partisan warfare in Belarus. In 1946 he was appointed Minister of Education of the BSSR. In 1947 he became secretary and then second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus. From 1952 to 1956 and from 1966 to 1989 - a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU (in 1956-1966 - a member of the Central Auditing Commission of the CPSU).

On June 12, 1953, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, based on a memorandum by L. P. Beria, adopted a resolution "Questions of the Byelorussian SSR", according to which the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus was recommended to elect MV Zimyanin as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus. However, during the Plenum of the CPB Central Committee held in Minsk on June 25-27, 1953, L.P. Beria was arrested in Moscow and the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee canceled the recommendation. NS Patolichev was again elected first secretary of the CPB Central Committee.

In 1956-1958 he was the USSR ambassador to Vietnam, from 1960 to 1965 - in Czechoslovakia.

In 1965 he became Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, but was soon transferred to the post of editor-in-chief of the newspaper Pravda, where he worked for more than 10 years, until 1976. From 1966 to 1976, chairman of the board of the Union of Journalists of the USSR.

In March 1976, at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, he was elected secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, under the leadership of M.A. In the secretariat of the Central Committee, he replaced P. N. Demichev, who was relieved of his duties as secretary in 1974 and was appointed Minister of Culture of the USSR.

M.V. Zimyanin was in very hostile relations with the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Byelorussian SSR P.M. Masherov, because of the uncompromising struggle of the latter with any manifestations of Belarusian nationalism. In turn, M. V. Zimyanin patronized the Belarusian writer V. Bykov in every possible way, seeing him as a Belarusian “original person”.

At a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee on August 29, 1985, which discussed the question of A. Sakharov's request to allow E. Bonner to travel abroad, Zimyanin said:

There is no doubt that Bonner will be used against us in the West. But her attempts to cite family reunification can be rebuffed by the forces of our scientists who could come up with appropriate statements. Comrade Slavsky is right - we cannot let Sakharov go abroad. And from Bonner, no decency can be expected. This is a beast in a skirt, a henchman of imperialism.

Retired since January 1987. He died in 1995. Buried at the Troekurovsky cemetery in Moscow.

A family

• Wife - Valentina Avraamovna (nee Cheryak) (05/12/1924 - 11/14/1990)
• Father-in-law - Abraham (Abram) Mikhailovich Cheryak (1894-1955), colonel of the NKVD-MGB
• Mother-in-law - Alexandra Semyonovna Cheryak (1896-1993), participant in the fight against Basmachism in Central Asia
• Daughter - Natalia Zimyanina, Russian music critic
• Son - Vladimir Mikhailovich Zimyanin, Soviet, Russian diplomat, writer

Awards

• Hero of Socialist Labor (1974, for outstanding achievements in the leadership of the party press and the editorial staff of the newspaper Pravda and in connection with his 60th birthday)
• five Orders of Lenin
• Order of the Patriotic War, 1st class
• other orders
• medals ("For the Defense of Moscow", "For Victory over Germany in the Great Patriotic War 1941-1945", etc.)

Zimyanin Mikhail Vasilievich - Soviet statesman and party leader; editor-in-chief of the main printed organ of the Central Committee of the CPSU of the newspaper "Pravda", a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

Born on November 8 (21), 1914 in the city of Vitebsk, now the regional center of the eponymous region of Belarus, in the family of a railway worker. Belarusian.

In 1936-1938 he was on active military service in the Red Army. After graduating from the regimental school, Mikhail Zimyanin was appointed editor of the newspaper of the military unit. He was engaged in releasing it until the end of his military service.

In 1939 he graduated from the Mogilev Pedagogical Institute. Member of the CPSU (b) / CPSU since 1939. Since 1939, in the Komsomol work. In 1940-46 he was the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Belarus.

During the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945, he took part in the partisan movement in Belarus. The beginning of the war found him in Bialystok. With units of the 3rd, 4th and 10th armies of the Western and Central Fronts, covering Belarus, he went a hard way, retreating with battles to Baranovichi and Minsk. Already at the end of June 1941, along with other Belarusian leaders, he began to create an underground in the rear of the Nazi troops, to form partisan detachments from the local population, which were reinforced by soldiers and commanders emerging from the encirclement.

In early October 1941, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Belarus P.K. Ponomarenko with the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Belarus M.V. Zimyanin were sent to the Bryansk front, where for two weeks they tried to ensure an organized withdrawal of Soviet troops, almost destroyed by Guderian's tanks.

After the Bryansk Front, a member of the Military Council of the 3rd Shock Army P.K. Ponomarenko. sent senior battalion commissar Mikhail Zimyanin to the region of Rzhev and Velikiye Luki, where long bloody battles were going on, "to carry out a special task to collect data about the enemy and to communicate with partisan detachments." Here, in the swamps and forests, so-called windows were created, through which communication with the Belarusian partisans was established, ammunition, other military equipment, food products, and medicines were transferred.

Talking about joint work in the Minsk-Polesskaya partisan zone, K.T. Mazurov argued that the work of M.V. Zimyanina "brought great benefit" not only to him, but also to the party and partisan leaders. Only in the first five months of 1943, the head of the Belarusian Komsomol members, the closest employee of the head of the Central Staff of the partisan movement at the Headquarters of the Supreme Command, 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Belarus, Lieutenant General P.K. Ponomarenko Mikhail Zimyanin visited the detachments of Minsk, Polesie, Gomel, Pinsk regions.

“A mobile man, unusually energetic, purposeful, he infected everyone with his enthusiasm,” said the general of the KGB of the USSR, and during the Great Patriotic War, the heroic partisan, E.B. Nordman. "His charm, broad political outlook, talent of an organizer, courage and endurance in a difficult situation have earned him respect among the partisans."

After the war, in 1946 - the second secretary of the Gomel regional party committee. In 1946-47 - Minister of Education of the Byelorussian SSR. In 1947-53 - secretary, second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus.

From June 12 to June 25, 1953 - First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus. In total, incomplete two weeks ... If we turn to history, then on June 12, 1953, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, according to the memorandum of L.P. Beria adopted a resolution "Questions of the Byelorussian SSR", according to which NS. Patolichev was relieved of his duties as first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus and responded to the order of the Central Committee of the CPSU. M.V. was recommended in his place. Zimyanin. However, during the holding in Minsk on June 25-27, 1953 of the Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus, Beria was arrested in Moscow, and the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU canceled the recommendation, in connection with which N.S. Patolichev was again elected first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus.

From 1953 to January 1956 - head of the 4th European Department of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, being at the same time a member of the collegium of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs since 1954. From January 21, 1956 to January 3, 1958 - Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the USSR to Vietnam. Then, until 1960, he was the head of the Far Eastern Department of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a member of the collegium of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From February 20, 1960 to April 8, 1965 - Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the USSR to Czechoslovakia, and then until September 1965 - Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR.

From September 1965 to March 1976 - editor-in-chief of the newspaper Pravda, and from 1966 at the same time chairman of the Board of the Union of Journalists of the USSR.

By the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of November 20, 1974 for outstanding achievements in the leadership of the party press and its main print organ - the editorial office of the newspaper Pravda, as well as in connection with the 60th anniversary of the birth Zimyanin Mikhail Vasilievich awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor with the Order of Lenin and the Hammer and Sickle gold medal.

From March 5, 1976 to January 28, 1987 - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. He retired from this position in 1987.

He was elected as a delegate to the XIX-XXVII congresses of the CPSU party: at the XIX, XXIII-XXVII congresses - a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and at the XX and XXII congresses of the CPSU - a member of the Central Auditing Commission of the CPSU. Was elected a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the 2-3rd and 7-9th convocations.

He lived in the hero city of Moscow. Died on May 1, 1995. Buried in Moscow at the Troekurovsky cemetery.

He was awarded 5 Orders of Lenin (09/16/1943, 12/30/1948, 09/09/1971, 11/20/1974, 11/20/1984), Orders of the Red Banner (08/15/1944), Patriotic War 1st degree (04/23/1985), 2 Orders of Labor Red Banner (10/28/1948, 11/20/1964), the Order of Friendship of Peoples (09/30/1980), medals, including "Partisan of the Patriotic War" 1st (06/10/1943) and 2nd (01/15/1946) degrees, foreign award - the Order of the Victory February (Czechoslovakia, 03/19/1985).

Compositions:
Party of revolutionary action: Report at the ceremonial meeting in Moscow, dedicated to the 80th anniversary of the II Congress of the RSDLP, July 29, 1983. - Minsk: Belarus, 1983;
Under the banner of Leninism: Selected articles and speeches. - M .: Politizdat, 1984.

Official certificate of a member of the Central Committee

Zimyanin Mikhail Vasilievich (born 08 (21). 11.1914), a party member since 1939, a member of the Central Committee in 1952-1956. and 1966-1989. (member of the Central Committee in 1956-1966), Secretary of the Central Committee 05.03.76-28.01.87. Was born in Vitebsk. Belarusian. In 1939 he graduated from the Mogilev Pedagogical Institute. He began his career in 1929 as a worker of a steam locomotive repair depot. In 1934-1936. on teaching work. In 1936-1938. in the Red Army. Since 1939 in the Komsomol work: secretary of the Mogilev city committee, regional committee, first secretary of the same regional committee, in 1940-1946. First secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Belarus In 1946, the second secretary of the Gomel regional party committee In 1946-1947, the minister of education of the Belarusian SSR Since 1947, secretary, second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus Since 1953, in diplomatic work: head. departments, member of the collegium of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, in 1956-1957. USSR ambassador to the DRV, in 1960-1965 - in Czechoslovakia, in 1965 deputy. Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. In 1965-1976 editor-in-chief of the Pravda newspaper. 1976-1987. Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Since 1987, on a pension. Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 2-3 and 7-11 convocations. Hero of Socialist Labor (1974)

ZIMYANIN Mikhail Vasilievich

(11/21/1914 - 05/01/1995). Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee from 03/05/1976 to 01/28/1987 Member of the CPSU Central Committee in 1952 - 1956, 1966 - 1989. Member of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1956 - 1966. Party member since 1939

Born in the city of Vitebsk in a working class family. Belarusian. He began his career in 1929 as a worker at the steam locomotive repair depot at the Leningrad-Vitebsk-Tovarny station. In 1934 - 1936. was a teacher and headmaster of the school. In 1936 - 1938. served in the Red Army. In 1939 he graduated from the Mogilev Pedagogical Institute. Since 1939 in the Komsomol work: secretary of the Mogilev city committee and regional committee, first secretary of the Mogilev regional committee. In 1940 - 1946. First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Komsomol of Belarus. During the Great Patriotic War he took part in the partisan movement in Belarus. In 1946, the second secretary of the Gomel regional party committee, in 1946 - 1947. Minister of Education of the Byelorussian SSR, 1947 - 1953 secretary, second secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus. Since 1953 in diplomatic work: head of department, member of the collegium of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Nominated by VM Molotov. 06/12/1953 by the resolution of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU "Questions of the Belarusian SSR", adopted on the memorandum of L.P. Beria, was recommended by the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus instead of NS Patolichev, who was dismissed from office for unsatisfactory work on the promotion of Belarusian cadres to the authorities and for serious shortcomings in the business of collective farm development. The decree of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU obliged the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus “to develop the necessary measures to correct the noted distortions and shortcomings and to discuss them at the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus. To instruct Comrade Zimyanin to make a report at the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus ”(APRF. F. 3. Op. 61. D. 51. L. 124). MV Zimyanin arrived in Minsk and made a devastating speech at the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Belarus. The displaced NS Patolichev sat in the hall as an ordinary participant in the plenum. At home, his wife packed her suitcases. And then they called from Moscow, first N. S. Khrushchev, then G. M. Malenkov. They said that LP Beria had been arrested and, if the Belarusian comrades did not object, NS Patolichev could remain in Minsk in his previous position. The plenum voted for him to continue to lead the Belarusian party organization. MV Zimyanin returned to Moscow to his former position at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was suspected of being close to L.P. Beria. 07/15/1953 wrote an explanatory note addressed to NS Khrushchev, why LP Beria decided to send him to Minsk: “... Beria asked me how I assess Patolichev. I tried to give a brief objective description of Comrade Patolichev, but Beria interrupted me, saying that I was in vain propagating "objectivity", that Patolichev was a bad leader and an empty person. After that, Beria said that he wrote a note to the Central Committee of the CPSU, in which he criticized the unsatisfactory state of affairs in the republic with the implementation of national policy, as well as with collective farm construction. Briefly retelling the contents of the note, Beria said that it was necessary to correct the situation, that I had to do it. At the same time, Beria said that I should not look for "chefs" for myself, as my predecessors did "(TsKhSD. F. 5. Op. 30. D. 4. L. 28). Further, he reported that he was aware of the provocative steps of L.P. Beria. “I am deeply sorry that I found myself in such a position. But I did not know Beria before, never visited him, did not know the true habits of this traitor, treated him as a prominent statesman. Only when I learned that Beria is the worst enemy of the Party and the people, I realized how vile this Jesuit was, how mean was his attitude towards me personally, since he tried to tarnish me ... and Beria did not have the people, honestly fought and will fight for the cause of our Great Communist Party to the last breath ”(Ibid. pp. 29-30). Since the summer of 1953, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the USSR to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, to the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. During the removal of NS Khrushchev (October 1964), he served as ambassador to Czechoslovakia and, as a member of the CPSU Central Committee, was summoned to the Plenum. According to S.N. He also said that he "punched in" according to the methods of the Khrushchev leadership. Since Nina Petrovna did not suspect anything about what was happening in Moscow and pondered for a long time what that would mean, he became worried and realized to his horror that, out of habit, he had asked to connect him with Nina Petrovna Khrushcheva instead of Victoria Petrovna Brezhneva. Both were vacationing in Karlovy Vary, and he often visited them, was scattered in courtesies in front of the first lady of the USSR, brought her souvenirs. In 1965 - 1976 editor-in-chief of the Pravda newspaper. A passionate chess lover. According to experts, he played poorly, lost was painful, quickly got turned on and fought until he won. And only after the victory did he calmly leave home. Newcomers who knew how to play were warned in the editorial office: "Do not tell the boss that you are a chess player, otherwise he will torture you with chess." A lover of two French phrases, which, incidentally and inappropriately, uttered while working on speeches in the speechwriters group of Leonid I. Brezhnev: “Entre nous soitdit” (between us speaking) and “En globe” (in general). From March 1976 to January 1987, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. According to M.S.Gorbachev, K.U. Chernenko had a hand in promoting this post. Supervised ideological work, science, culture and the media under L.I.Brezhnev, Yu.V. Andropov, K. U Chernenko and early M.S.Gorbachev. 03/11/1985, at a Politburo meeting discussing the issue of electing the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, he supported the candidacy of Mikhail Gorbachev proposed by A. A. Gromyko: “Working together in the Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee, we saw how active, deep and erudite Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev. He knows how to highlight the main thing, and this is very important, since the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee should accumulate the opinion of the masses, the foresight of the future. And secondly, I have always found and still find, when I turn to M. S. Gorbachev, a quick solution with the most accurate knowledge of the subject. He is distinguished by the fact that he constantly replenishes his knowledge. And this is the most valuable quality for human growth. I think that I will express the feeling of each of us if I say that you, Mikhail Sergeevich, can fully rely on us ”(TsKhSD. F. 89. Collection of declassified documents). The editor of central newspapers had to communicate with him almost weekly. “I’m not going to ascribe to MV Zimyanin the qualities of a defender and guardian of the editors-in-chief,” recalled MF Nenashev, the former editor-in-chief of the newspaper Sovetskaya Rossiya. allotted, and no more. I don’t know if he often took under the protection of our editor brother when the sword of reprisal hung over his head, but I know that he was not the initiator of such reprisals. ” He was distinguished by objectivity and common sense. Most often, any serious collision ended in his office and did not have a continuation. Delicate in character, at the same time he was straightforward in his judgments, honest and truthful in his judgments, not pliant enough to zigzags in ideological matters. Personally, modest, open, communicative, somewhat emotional. In the late 70s. headed the Commission of the CPSU Central Committee on the problems of creating a domestic industry of video recorders and video recordings. Editors in the Central Committee staff called him "Mikhvas". He spoke very quickly. Under KU Chernenko on April 10, 1984, at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, he made a report "The main directions of the reform of the general education and vocational schools." According to the recollections of the participants, the discussion was inactive. After MS Gorbachev came to power, he constantly raised the issue of arming propaganda and ideological cadres on a new technical basis. At the XXVII Congress of the CPSU (February 1986), he was again elected as the secretary of the Central Committee for ideological work, but M.S. It was obvious that the days of MV Zimyanin as an ideologist were numbered. According to Mikhail Gorbachev, he was only capable of cursing world imperialism. At the January (1987) Plenum of the Central Committee, MV Zimyanin was relieved of his post as secretary of the CPSU Central Committee at a personal request in connection with his retirement. According to Anatoly Gromyko, the son of A. A. Gromyko, M. V. Zimyanin “was sincerely rooting for Soviet power, for socialism. He certainly did a lot for them. From conversations with him, I got the firm impression that Mikhail Vasilyevich was especially worried about the Russian people, believing that his needs in the state were being met extremely insufficiently. Zimyanin in the Soviet leadership was a real Russophile. " Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of the 2nd, 3rd, 7th-11th convocations. Hero of Socialist Labor (1974). Buried at the Troekurovsky cemetery in Moscow.