With the help of the committees of the peasantry, the peasantry was artificially split into "labor" (poor, poor) and "petty-bourgeois" (commodity-producing, entrepreneurial) in order to push them into a fierce class, civil struggle. And this war flared up in the countryside, destroying it economically, morally, morally. Kombedy became a symbol of violence, terror, robbery. In areas where the general standard of living in the countryside was higher (in Siberia, the North Caucasus, the Volga region, etc., especially in places where the Cossacks settled), attempts to redistribute property, primarily land, split the peasantry, create committees caused a decisive rebuff, up to armed resistance, because many peasants returned from the front with weapons. Almost half (47.7%) of the able-bodied peasantry (men) during the World War II were mobilized into the army.

The food dictatorship allowed the city to hold out until the next harvest. In the second half of 1918, food was prepared 2.5 times more than in the first half of the year.

The dictatorship of the city caused a response wave of widespread armed peasant uprisings. Violence to violence, weapons to weapons. Armed force and repressions were widely used to suppress peasant revolts.

Lenin admitted that the bread-holders in the villages "made up the main and most serious support of the counter-revolutionary movement in Russia."

The split between town and country, workers and peasants, was also exposed in the highest organs of power. The "Left" Socialist-Revolutionaries, in protest against the anti-peasant food policy, actually withdrew from participating in the work of the Council of People's Commissars. They were supported by other socialist parties. In order to get out of the food crisis, it proposed the attraction of private capital, material incentives for grain holders, an increase in procurement prices, and the introduction of free trade in grain. In the summer, the shaky bloc of Bolsheviks and "Left" Socialist-Revolutionaries finally disintegrated.

To coincide with the Fifth Congress of Soviets, which opened on July 4, the "Left" Socialist-Revolutionaries timed an action that, according to their calculations, could become a turning point in the development of the revolution. Among the congress delegates, the "Left" SRs made up the second largest faction - 352 people (Bolsheviks - 745). Fulfilling the decision of the Central Committee of the "Left Socialist-Revolutionaries" (June 24), Ya.G. Blyumkin, who worked in the protection of foreign embassies in Moscow, on July 6 made an attempt on the German envoy Count Wilhelm von Mirbach. its disruption, but in fact it reflected the growing dissatisfaction of the peasantry with the economic policy of the government.

An armed incident in Moscow turned out to be connected with the murder of Mirbach. A detachment of the Social Revolutionary Popov captured 4K, arrested F.E. Dzerzhinsky. There were casualties in the ensuing firefight.

The Bolshevik leadership regarded all these facts as an attempt to make paths, to seize power.

The "Left" SRs, delegates to the Fifth Congress of Soviets, were arrested right in the building of the Bolshoi Theater, where the congress was held. Party leader M. Spiridonova, who devoted her entire adult life to the revolutionary movement, was imprisoned. In 1941, after the outbreak of the Patriotic War, she was shot with a group of political prisoners. Blyumkin in 1919 was amnestied by the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, and in 1921 he was admitted to the ranks of the RCP (b), and was in a number of responsible positions. In 1929 he was arrested for his connection with Trotsky and shot without trial or investigation.

By the decision of the Fifth Congress of Soviets, the "Left" Socialist-Revolutionaries were excluded from the composition of the Soviets at all levels, and their newspapers were closed. Subsequently, the party split into a number of small groups. One part joined the ranks of the Bolshevik Party, the other - into the anti-Soviet movement.

The peasantry lost the legal party channel for defending their interests. The same fate befell the Right SR and Menshevik parties. Among the delegates to the Vth All-Russian Congress of Soviets (November 1918), the percentage of Bolsheviks has already reached 97 (against 66% at the Fifth Congress). The last hopes for a multi-party system were buried.

Each of its inhabitants should know the history of their region. History is forgotten, but we and our generations must remember and honor the memory of those people who died in the name of freedom, protecting their loved ones, defending their native land. The Civil War was a very long time ago, but the stories about it, about the people of that time make us better know and understand our history.

Civil war in the territory of our village.

“... And clouds float, float over Kama,

As if the souls that survived the centuries,

Like warriors who died in battle

They send them to their homeland."

Alexey Reshetov.

Studying the history of mankind, it is impossible not to notice: how many wars and upheavals there are in it.

Our region is located in the depths of Russia, far from the border. But this does not mean that he was far from the events that took place in the country.

And our land keeps the memory of those distant and not very distant events: revolutions, the Civil and Patriotic Wars, the New Economic Policy, collectivization, repressions, thaws, perestroika.

Wars and revolutions give birth to heroes. Our Andreevsky land is rich in heroes: two heroes of the Soviet Union - Popov Mikhail Nikolaevich, Rudometov Nikolai Vasilyevich; Loskutov Ivan Alekseevich became the prototype of K. Simonov's poem "The Son of an Artilleryman"; scientists - Korotaev Nikolai Yakovlevich - created a map of the soils of the Perm region, Korotaev Ivan Vasilyevich, who compiled a map of the Perm region, Kuznetsov Pavel Fedorovich - a local historian and many others.

Let's not forget the heroes of the Civil War. In this troubled time, when defending their views and their native land, people did not spare their lives, showed miracles of courage.

This topic is interesting to me because the memory of the fallen soldiers who fought for their beloved land remained. They defended their land courageously, proudly.

Summer 1918. A year ago, the Great October Socialist Revolution took place. The power of the Bolsheviks, the power of the Soviets, was established. But the young Soviet republic had to go through another terrible event. The civil war began. A war that affected all families, all the people of the country. The worst thing is that brother went against brother, father against son. There was a struggle for power. The impetus was the uprising of the Czechoslovak corps, to a certain extent provoked by the orders of People's Commissar L. D. Trotsky on its disarmament. The indignation of the peasants against the arbitrariness of the Bolsheviks, on the one hand, and the White Guards, on the other, is intensifying.

In early June, 38 people were arrested in Perm on charges of speaking out against the Soviet regime, including the arrested and then brutally murdered Archbishop Andronik of Perm.

On June 12, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and his secretary Johnson were kidnapped and killed in Perm.

In the summer of 1918, a wave of peasant uprisings swept across the Kama region. On June 27, the Shlykovsky uprising broke out, engulfing the Chastinsky and neighboring volosts of the Okhansky district.

The combat readiness of the Red Army units and work detachments was extremely low. This is what the white movement used. In November 1918, Admiral A. V. Kolchak, proclaimed Supreme Ruler, launched an offensive on the eastern front.

In February 1919, the admiral visited Perm. A solemn meeting was arranged for him. Since March 1919, Kolchak A.V., trying to connect with Denikin, set a goal - the final defeat of the Soviet troops. But his plan failed.

The Red Army launched a counteroffensive. By the autumn of 1919, the Urals were under the rule of the Reds.

Memories of eyewitnesses and participants in the Civil War.

The civil war has reached the Urals. The war demanded bread, horses, food, hay, fodder.

Active participation in the war from the very first days was taken by the inhabitants of the Andreevskaya volost. Many of them immediately went to the front, others gave everything they could.

In August 1918, a counter-revolutionary rebellion broke out in Izhevsk. The rebels managed to capture the arsenal of the weapons factory and arm themselves. Kulak revolts broke out in the province.

The worker Klakman became the head of the detachment of residents of Andreevka to fight the counter-revolution. Many of the men of the Andreevsky volost joined his detachment. There were many Chinese volunteers in the Klokman detachment, who, together with the Russians, courageously fought for the revolution. Klokman's revolutionary detachment marched from Osa to Chastye, Andreevka, Chernovskoye, clearing villages and villages from counter-revolutionary gangs.

In the autumn of 1918, Kolchak's offensive against Perm began. Many fighters from the Klokman detachment joined the 30th Infantry Division.

By January, the front line was established along the Kama.

Members of the Civil War

Participants in the civil war

(sitting (from left to right): Kamenev A.E., Popov I.F., Popov I.E., Masalkin P.A.; standing (left to right): Kozhevnikov A.G., Popov P.Z. , Popov G.I., Masalkin N.G.)

From the memoirs of P. G. Burdin, a participant in the civil war:

“The Red Army, bleeding to death, retreated from the White Guard hordes in unequal battles. The front was approaching the Kama River. The second brigade of the 30th Infantry Division staunchly defends the village of Chernaya, surrounded by forests, and the village of Stashkovo, located in a lowland. The brigade commander, Nikolai Tomin, in 1923. who died in the fight against the Basmachi, and the chief of staff Rusyaev V.S. personally went to the front. The village and the village not once pass from hand to hand. In one of the battles, the platoon commander, the Orenburg volunteer Kapishnikov, was captured by the Whites. White officers undressed him, beat him for a very long time, left him, considering him dead. Kapishnikov, barefoot and completely mutilated, in one undershirt, found the strength to get up and come to the unit.

The fighting was even more stubborn on the western bank of the Kama. The company commander Platonovich inspired the Red Army. Under whistling bullets, he boldly walked along the edge of the snowy trenches, giving orders to the screech and howl of shells. Near the village of Turuntai, near the river Oshap, the battle lasted two and a half days. Up to 300 defenders of the Motherland died, and yet the village was not left without an order from the command. They died in those battles.

Ponomarev Nikolai, Bolotov Ivan Dmitrievich - natives of the Andreevsky village council.

On the territory of Andreevka, the 17th Ural Regiment of the 30th Infantry Division operated, which held the defense for 18 km from the village. Kazanka to with. Belyaevka. At that time, we, in Andreevka, had the headquarters of the 89th Infantry Brigade (commander N. Tomin, chief of staff Rusyaev.) Reconnaissance in force was carried out: on January 6, on Vshivaya Gorka near Osinovka, and on January 9-10 - reconnaissance in force from Berezovka to Rossoshka.

In March 1919 Kolchak's offensive began. Part of Kolchak's forces advanced through Andreevka.

From the memoirs of a participant in the Civil War, P. G. Burdin: “Our forces were not enough. The command of the brigade urgently had to withdraw the Malyshevsky regiment, whose commander was Talalaykin. The Malyshevites took up defense along the floodplain of the Oshap River, and the 17th Ural Regiment under the command of Kononov was entrusted with the defense of the village of B. Churan - the approach to the lowlands of many small rivers and roads to the west. For a long time, our units, led by the combat headquarters of the brigade, which was located in Andreevka at that time, held their positions. Not once did units of the 17th Ural regiment overturn the White Guards near the village of B. Churan. More than once prisoners were captured, and the company commander Shchukin personally took away the Maxim machine gun from the whites. In these battles, the Orenburg volunteers Poskochev, Antonov, our fellow countryman Pavel Petrovich Popov fought bravely.

Another recollection of the terrible events of the civil war on the territory of our village was told by P.Z. Popov, who witnessed this massacre:

March 1919 A prickly wind crawls behind the collar of a light overcoat. It seems that the whole soul froze. Warming themselves with a cigarette, the sentinel Red Army soldiers whispered:

- Well, the weather!

“A good owner won’t turn the dog out in such weather.

Suddenly, one of the interlocutors became alert. A muffled voice came from behind.

“Probably a change for us.

"Wait, who...

I did not have time to finish, as a machine-gun fire mowed down both sentinels.

In the afternoon the artillery preparation of the whites began. Shells exploded on the field in front of the village. The battery, which stood in a log between the Lower and Upper Churan, had to be taken to the village. But at night the whites attacked from the other side. Traitors Talan and Sych led the whites through the forest slums to the rear of the 17th Ural regiment, commanded by Kononov. A gunfight broke out in the village. The Red Army soldiers jumped out of the huts, dressed on the go, grabbed rifles.

White's first attack was repulsed, but a second one began. But she was repulsed with heavy losses for the Whites. A few more times the enemy attacked ours.

But the forces were unequal. The 17th regiment was surrounded. More than 70 soldiers died when the ring was broken. The company commander Drobinin was killed. Battalion commander Talushev was mortally wounded. Only 27 people remained in the first company. Our countryman Pavel Petrovich Popov bravely fought in this battle. The calculation of the enemy was as follows: to surround the brigade and the cavalry regiment "Stenki Razin", in which our countrymen served: Shirinkin Nikolai Vasilievich, Pleshkov Petr Markovich, Burdin Alexander Grigoryevich.

But the brigade still remained combat-ready. The 17th Ural regiment, with heavy losses in deep snow through the forest without a road, made its way from V. Churan to the village of Kuzminy and connected with the 89th brigade.

The 30th Infantry Division retreated with stubborn battles. The 17th Ural regiment was forced to leave Andreevka on March 3, 1919.

Our countrymen are participants in the Civil War.

Popov Grigory Ivanovich

He served as a private in the 37th regiment of the 3rd brigade. Since May 1919, together with his 5th division of the 2nd army, he participated in the attack on Kolchak. Passed from the Vyatka glades to Sarapul, Krasnoufimsk, Kurgan. Until 1921 he was in the 30th Infantry Division.

Popov Ivan Filippovich

IN In March 1919, he was taken to carts, with which he retreated to the Vyatskiye Polyany. There he was enrolled in the commandant's team. During the offensive in the village of Staraya Bershet, he was transferred to the horse carriers of the Special Department of the Cheka. Passed with the division to Art. Zima then participated in the fight against Wrangel. Demobilized in 1921.

Popov Ivan Emelyanovich

In 1918 in the village of Chistaya Perevoloka, Chernivtsi district, he was enrolled in the commandant's team of the 30th Infantry Division. In Omsk, he fell ill with typhus. After an illness, he was enrolled in a team of foot scouts. Then in the guard company. From 1921 to 1922 in a workers' battalion.

Masalkin Pyotr Adrianovich

Member of the volost executive committee of the village of Andreevka. From 1918 to March 1919 he retreated to Vyatka with the 30th Infantry Division. During the offensive, he reached the Zima station in Siberia, fell ill with typhus. And he was demobilized due to illness.

Popov Petr Zakharovich

He was mobilized into the Red Army on August 15, 1918. At first he served in the first Perm regiment formed in Perm. After the battle on the Shamara River for Kungur, the regiment was disbanded, and Pyotr Zakharovich was sent to the 17th Ural Regiment of the 30th Infantry Division, which went from Kungur to Bizyar, Rozhdestvensky, Andreevka.

Popov went a long and long way of fighting: first, a retreat to Vyatka, and then, smashing Kolchak, to Baikal. 1920 Peter Zakharovich was sent to the Southern Front, together with the 30th division, participated in the defeat of Wrangel and Makhno until 1921. In 1941 he was a participant in the Patriotic War.

Kozhevnikov Alexander Grigorievich

In August 1918, he joined the Klokman anti-riot detachment. WITHIn the fall of 1918, he served in the 30th Infantry Division in the 2nd Krasnoufimsky Regiment (262) of the 1st Brigade, fought for the village of Dvorets near the town of Ocher. He retreated with the division to Vyatka. In June 1919, during the counter-offensive, he was wounded in the head and leg when he was rescuing a wounded comrade. After being cured, he returned to duty.

Shirinkin Semyon Yakovlevich

Mobilized into the Red Army on August 21, 1918. Sent to Vyatka, and from there to Luga. He served in Guy's cavalry corps - in parts of the Revolutionary Tribunal. He was on the Southern Front, and in December 1919 he was sent to the Western Front. Participated in the attack on Warsaw. In 1920 he served in the Revolutionary Tribunal of the 1st Cavalry Army of S. M. Budyonny.

In August 1918 joined the Klockman squad. After the suppression of the rebellions, he served in the 30th Infantry Division in the 2nd Mountain Regiment. In Kainsk, he fell ill with typhus and lay in a typhoid carriage in Omsk for 6 months. Upon recovery, he was sent to the 2nd Cavalry Regiment of the Punitive Expedition. He returned home in 1922.

These are the heroes of the Civil War. Seemingly inconspicuous people.

And how much courage and heroism they showed in defending their native land.

At that moment, they did not think and did not adhere to anyone's opinions, but fought for only one thing - for the Motherland, for a free righteous life, for peace among the people of the whole country.

The civil war divided people into two camps: white and red. Ordinary people, peasants from our village or from other villages, cities that were in the camp of the "whites", fought for something else, did not think about freedom, about peace?

Unfortunately, there is nothing about them in the archival materials of our museum.

Their names have not been preserved. So it was destined to turn history - the victory was on the side of the "Reds". And the people who were on the side of the "whites" turned out to be enemies of the people. Although, for sure, there were heroes among them.

Political measures of "whites" and "reds".

“On the territory of our village for a long period of time, namely from March to June 1919, the political rules of the “whites” were established - “Kolchakovshchina”, as the villagers called them.

Before the arrival of the "whites", many still hesitated, or were indifferent to the events taking place, misunderstanding a lot. The peasants experienced requisitions of bread, fodder, horses, both from the side of the “whites” and the “reds”,” recalls P. G. Burdin. “But when our fellow villagers experienced the robberies and violence, torture and abuse of the “whites”, then they without hesitation went over to the side of the “reds”.

“First of all, the “whites” began to look for the communists, but they left with the troops. In their families, the “whites” broke open chests, stole cattle, and took away the last property. “We also had a search,” says Masalkin N.G. - “Everything that could be taken, with bayonets they blew up the ground in the underground and in the cellar. The headman, who brought the "whites", saw his father's old overcoat on the wall, threw off his thin, lousy coat and put on his overcoat.

M.A. Rudometov tells about the very cruel treatment of the “whites”:

“During the battle in Nizhny Churan, the Whites cut off a group of Red Army soldiers of the 17th Ural Regiment. 18 Red Army soldiers fell into the hands of the "whites". Pushing with bayonets under ridicule and bullying, they brought them to the Upper Churan.

Here, the Kolchakites stripped the prisoners naked, tortured and tortured them, and then drove the naked and barefoot out into the cold. In front of the residents, dumbfounded with horror, the fighters were put in twos and shot. When two of them tried to resist, the white officer and soldiers strangled them with their hands. For five days the corpses lay on the street. The enemies wanted to inspire horror and achieve unquestioning obedience from the population. Only on the sixth day did the inhabitants of Churan beg to let them dig a mass grave and bury the tortured and killed Red fighters.

As eyewitnesses describe, the White Guards were especially raging during the retreat. Our fellow villager Alexander Grigoryevich Kozhevnikov said: “In January 1919. the first Krasnoufimsky regiment launched an attack on the village of Palace (beyond Ocher). Our 2nd Krasnoufimsky Regiment was in reserve. During one stubborn battle, the 1st Krasnoufimsky Regiment retreated, and some of the fighters were captured by the Whites. We were thrown into breakthrough.

When we burst into the village, a terrible picture of the massacre of the Kolchak soldiers with the Red fighters appeared before us. On the street we saw a pile of disfigured, mutilated corpses beyond recognition. The inhabitants of the village told us that in the bitter cold of January 7, 1919, the prisoners, naked and barefoot, were driven out into the cold and driven twice through the village.

And then, after terrible torture, they shot him. The Kolchakites set up "death barges" that were burned on the Kama River along with hundreds of prisoners.

In our village to the heroes - the Red Army soldiers of the Civil War

on the mass grave in the village of Churan, in 1957, on the 40th anniversary of October, a monument was erected.

“When laying the monument, fellow soldiers of the dead, veterans of the Civil War P.A. Masalkin, N.G. Masalkin and others were present.

On November 7, a solemn procession of students and villagers to the monument took place. Teachers, pioneers, Komsomol members laid wreaths at the foot of the monument,” writes P. Zogorovsky.

Subsequently, the urns with the ashes of the fighters were transferred to the center of the village, where a monument was erected to them.

The museum, which opened in 1994, has a stand dedicated to the Civil War in our village.

The Reds did not lag behind the White Guards in their atrocities.

Archbishop Andronnik was assassinated in Perm. He was buried alive.

Let us cite NV Zhuzhgova's memories of this: “I ordered to give Andronnik a shovel… I ordered him to dig a grave. Andronicus dug as much as he was supposed to, we helped him. Then I said, "Come on, lie down." I said that I would not shoot, but I would bury him alive ... Then we threw earth at him, I fired several shots.

The elimination, or rather, the vile murder of Andronnik, untied the hands of the first Chekists, and they embarked on unbridled terror against the clergy. Violent persecution began. During the years of the Civil War, clergymen and monastics from eight to twenty-one thousand people were repressed on the territory of the country, among them 70 bishops.

The peak of the Red Terror in the Perm province falls on September-October 1918. Mass executions during this period became commonplace. And on the eve of the Kolchak troops, on the night of December 23-24, 1918, the Bolsheviks, before their departure, lowered their head into the hole in the hole, Bishop Feofan, temporarily managing the Perm diocese of Solikamsk, along with seven archpriests.

On the night of June 12-13, 1918, Mikhail Romanov and his secretary Johnson were killed by the Bolsheviks. From the memoirs of N.V. Zhuzhgov: “Johnson was immediately killed by Markov's shot in the temple when leaving the phaeton. The Grand Duke was less fortunate: I only wounded the Grand Duke. From Markov’s memoir: “Romanov, with outstretched arms, ran towards me, asking me to say goodbye to the secretary ... I had to quite close

distance to make a second shot in the head of Mikhail Romanov, which caused him to fall immediately. The dead were covered with branches and left. The bodies were buried the next night.

Since 1919, military administration was established in Perm. The whole city was divided into nine districts, with each subordinating to a special commandant. At first, all residents of the city were forbidden to go outside without special permission from 19:00 in the evening to 06:00 in the morning. The weapons were to be handed over to the civilian population. The commandant had the right to "suppress all illegal gatherings by force of arms." On March 26, 1919, the head of the Perm garrison ordered that all shoemakers, planters, purveyors, and carpenters living in the city and district be registered within three days. Failure to comply with the order threatened with a court-martial and imprisonment.

Thus, analyzing the information, we can conclude that monsters and tormentors should not be divided into "red" and "white", into "good" and "bad". Gaining power, each of the members of both movements strove for violence in order, at least for a while, to show their undeserved superiority.

Having studied the materials on this topic, I came to the conclusion that the events of the Civil War were of a cruel, merciless nature. The worst thing is that brother went against brother, father against son, son against father.

Small groups of people divided power among themselves, and the civilian population suffered from this, ordinary peasants - workers who could not even understand whose power was better and whose was worse. They only needed the land on which they grew up, lived and wanted to work.

The political measures of influence of the Whites and the Reds were equally cruel, accompanied by repressions: murders, robberies, violence, torture.

The war was merciless. When a village or city passed from one hand to another, the victors executed not only the defeated, but also the innocent population.

However, today there are monuments in these cities and villages only to the Red heroes, since the Reds won.

But in the Civil War it is difficult to name real heroes and winners for all time.

I believe that the whole and indivisible people won over the red and white.

The younger generation, in my opinion, has no right to blame or justify anyone, we can learn a lesson from these events for ourselves. After all, they learn from mistakes. And without knowledge of the past, there is no present. It must be preserved in the memory and hearts of each of us, because this is the history of our Motherland.

In 1957, the opening of the monument to the heroes of the Civil War took place on the mass grave.

Khoroshev Sergey Andreevich

Perm Territory Okhansky District Andreevka

In the local history material of the MOU "Gyin secondary school" these events are described as follows:

“2-3 months before the fighting in Gya, Chekist Vishnetsky arrived here. On the territory of the former garage (near the estate of E.N. Yagovkina, where there was a well), Vishnetsky gathered men in the evenings and talked with them for a long time. I walked around the yards, got acquainted with the life of the villagers. He left on a cart, before the county he spoke for the village, agitated the peasants to join the Red Army.

During the years of the civil war in 1919, the White Guards passed through Giya, retreating. In the summer in July, there were heavy fighting in the villages of Gyi and Izoshur. The lists of communists were presented to the White Guards. Fortunately, there were no executions and bullying. But the families were ruined and plundered, and there were no men at home, they were all in the ranks of the Red Army.

After 2-3 days of bloody battles Belosludtsev Pavel Selifanovich

(Seli Pavol) led a detachment of Red Guards through the Gyin plot along the army road to the Apachevsky portage in front of the retreating White Guards. There was a hot fight in the portage. The White Guards failed to leave.

But my mother, and she, according to the memoirs of my great-grandmother, tells the following about the battles between Gya and Izoshur: “The Reds had a machine gun in the attic of my great-grandfather in the village of Izoshur, and during the day strong shooting was carried out from this attic against the Whites. And in the evening, great-grandfather from Izoshur went to the village of Staraya Gya to visit his wife’s mother (varmai), where the White Guards were quartered, and there were hot joint boozes.

In our garden today we have already found about twelve spent cartridge cases from the time of the civil war, we also found a rusty rifle trigger. And in September 2006, they found an unfired cartridge with gunpowder inside. When the gunpowder was scattered and set on fire, it flared up like new.

The Reds occupied Gyia, mortally wounded were placed in two schools. The rest of the wounded were taken to a hospital in the village of Luke. In the village of Luke at that time there was a hospital. The wounded in Gya soon died, they were buried right there, in a mass grave. The pit was dug by Rudin Ignatius, Belosludtsev Efim Sergeevich, Belosludtsev Pavel Semenovich, Belosludtsev Ivan Yegorovich and several other residents of Novogyinsk. After the burial of the Red Guards, the Russian political exile Tataurova Augusta Alekseevna, originally from Sarapul, took care of the graves. She was buried in the Medina cemetery. She lined up children in front of a mass grave, tied ribbons on linden trees, and sang revolutionary songs with the children: “You fell a victim”, “Internationale”. School local history material of the municipal institution "Gyinskaya secondary school" of the Kez district of the UR

Civil war passed through Izoshur

Three kilometers from the village of Staraya Gya was the village of Izoshur. It is from here that my family originates on my mother's side.

Several times Izoshur was in the hands of the Whites, then in the hands of the Reds. Many cartridge cases can still be found at the site of the Izoshur vegetable gardens.

Once, the Reds settled in Izoshura, and the Whites occupied Gyyu. They were shooting at each other. The machine gun of the Reds was in the hayloft at Maksimov Grigory Ippolitovich (my great-grandfather). The door was opened and shot at Izoshur. The Reds had cannons on the banks of the Gayerka.

The population was not offended by either whites or reds. During the day, the Reds fought with the Whites, and in the evening, some residents, visiting relatives, feasted with the Whites. So did my great-grandfather Maksimov Grigory Ippolitovich, who kept the machine gun of the Reds in the hayloft, and in the evening went to visit his wife's mother in Gyyu (warmay), where he drank with the whites.

The most terrible Russian tragedy. The Truth About the Civil War Andrey Mikhailovich Burovsky

Chapter 3 HOW THE CIVIL WAR CAME TO THE VILLAGE

HOW THE CIVIL WAR COME TO THE VILLAGE

There is a problem? Let's do two problems!

In an effort to enlist the support of the peasants, on January 27, 1918, Lenin issued the Basic Law on the socialization of the land, literally written off from the program of the Socialist-Revolutionaries. After all, Lenin willingly gave everyone and everything that he was only asked for: workers - factories, criminals - revolvers, sadists - positions in the Cheka ... So he also gave land to the peasants.

The peasants divided the land in an egalitarian way - it seemed to them the fairest of all. Large private farms were destroyed - and it was they who supplied the bulk of marketable grain. The total number of peasant farms increased by a third: communities gave land even to those who previously had no land at all. Small farms used to sell little bread even before. Now, money began to rapidly depreciate, manufactured goods became scarce ... The peasants were rapidly losing interest in any trade.

It would seem that what needs to be done? "Strengthen large farms!" - any economist will tell you. To some extent, the Bolsheviks followed this path, but in a very peculiar way: all large farms were exclusively state-owned, based on large estates. Basically, they supplied food to the party elite.

There were also "agricultural communes" - 40 or 50 for the whole of Russia.

The “state farms” and communes were in charge of no more than 0.4% of all land, they did not play any role. But the communists believed that this was the future of all agriculture. This is what all peasants should come to.

Only here is the trouble - the peasants were not going there.

non-soviet village

Throughout the Civil War, in 1917, 1918, 1919, 1920, there was quite enough bread in Russia. Bread was all over Russia, nothing threatened famine. There has NEVER been a famine in ANY of the territories of the white states of Russia. There was no famine in the territory of gangs, peasant armies, foreign military units. ANYWHERE.

During the Civil War, famine was ONLY in the territory controlled by the Bolsheviks. It appeared wherever they appeared and disappeared wherever they left. If the Bolsheviks had wanted it, they would have wiped out the famine in a matter of hours.

Grain stocks in the center of the country have been accumulated for at least a year or two. Even without getting a single grain from the harvest of 1918, the cities will live well until the spring of 1919. And the Red Army will be fed. In the spring of 1918, all elevators were full of bread, and if there is famine in the cities, then the reason is not the lack of bread. Moreover, on February 15, 1918, a decree was issued on the nationalization of all granaries. All bread is in the hands of the state; this state does not extradite him, forbids selling bread; it is in the state of the Bolsheviks for the importation of bread into the cities that an immediate execution is due.

Apparently, the Bolsheviks still do not want the elimination of hunger.

You don't even have to fight the countryside to start starvation in the cities. This famine has already been organized, it already exists.

But the triumphal procession of Soviet power passed through the cities. The village was still on its own. Even those peasants who considered themselves Bolsheviks did not understand Bolshevism in the Leninist way. And according to the slogans that brought Bolshevism to power.

The Bolsheviks wanted to make the non-Soviet village Soviet - and in a way familiar to them, through the Civil War. In April 1918, Sverdlov increasingly spoke to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee about the need to "transfer the class struggle to the countryside."

“We must most seriously set ourselves the task of dividing the countryside into classes, creating in it two opposing hostile camps, and restoring the poorest strata against the kulaks. Only if we succeed in splitting the countryside into two camps, inducing in it the same class struggle as in the city, only then will we achieve in the countryside what we have achieved in the city.

Notice - no talk about the "struggle for bread" or shouting about the intrigues of the "kulaks". Sverdlov does not even try to deny that there is no class war going on in the countryside. He says that this war must be brought to the village.

Food dictatorship

In the USSR, in all textbooks and reference books, it was always written that the kulaks “refused to sell bread to the Soviet state. The most important grain regions were captured by the troops of foreign imperialists and internal counter-revolution." And if so, then the surplus has become “the only method of mobilizing the products of the village. x-va". At the same time, the peasants “received land from the Soviet government for free use and protection from the landowner and the kulak,” and in general, all this was a temporary measure - a kind of loan that the Soviet government returned.

At the same time, in all reference books, the Communists are “confused in their testimony” - since when did the surplus appraisal exist? And most often they say - since 1918. The decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the surplus appraisal was issued on January 11, 1919, but it turns out that there was a surplus appraisal before ...

It is not true. The food allotment policy really began in January 1919. Food distribution is when each rural area was obliged to hand over a certain amount of "surplus" to the state. The norms of the surplus were set arbitrarily, it was carried out at best by a third and caused the darkness of uprisings. But the surplus appropriation is the happy tomorrow of the Soviet Republic of 1918.

Before the surplus was a dictatorship.

On May 9, 1918, Lenin issues a decree "On the food dictatorship." Not about requisitioning, but about dictatorship. May 13 - a new decree, "On the emergency powers of the People's Commissariat for Food", which was in charge of A.D. Tsyurupa.

According to the decree, the kulaks and the rural bourgeoisie in general hide, conceal grain, and this grain must be taken away from them.

Peasants should be left with a minimum ration - so much so that only they remain alive. And let the rest be taken to the procurement points! Whoever has not handed over the "surplus" is the "enemy of the people", he is imprisoned for a period of at least 10 years, with the confiscation of all property. “To carry out a merciless, terrorist war against the peasant and other bourgeoisie, who are holding onto surplus grain,” wrote Lenin.

On May 26, in the article “Theses on the Current Situation,” Lenin clarifies what needs to be done: “Turn the military commissariat into a military food commissariat, that is, concentrate 9/10 of the work on transferring the army to fight for bread and to wage such a war for 3 months - June August. 2. Declare martial law throughout the country at the same time. 3. Mobilize the army by isolating its healthy parts, and call on 19-year-olds for systematic military operations to conquer, collect and transport grain and fuel. 4. Introduce execution for indiscipline.

In the winter of 1917/18, the Bolsheviks occupied the cities of Russia. Now they want to conquer and occupy the villages... with their own army.

Hammer and sickle hike

On May 27, 1918, the first "food detachments" were created. They are joined by workers who are told directly: the fists are holding the bread for you. Go kill kulaks, your children will have bread. Not everyone believes the Bolsheviks, many do not want to join the food detachments, and yet 30 thousand armed workers of the city were put up.

In the article “Comrade workers! Let's go to the last and decisive battle! Lenin calls "for a mass crusade of advanced workers to every point of grain production", for a war against "disorganizers and concealers". He directly writes: “A merciless war against the kulaks! Death to them!

The army is also thrown against the "kulaks" - up to 75 thousand soldiers. Not all of them are ready to go against their own people. Executions, floggings, exile in concentration camps are the usual means of breaking the will of the peasant boys, forcing them to fulfill the wishes of the Bolshevik command.

Another force - special purpose units - CHONs, they were introduced back in March 1918. As a rule, the composition of CHONs is international. There are about 30,000 members of the Chon, and experienced communists are at the head of the Chon. Even if a non-party person comes to the CHON, he is immediately considered a candidate member of the RCP (b).

The Three Forces of the "Crusade in the Village". But what kind of "cross" is he? Crosses are not supposed even to the Red Army, not to mention the Chonovites. Crosses on the necks - except for some of the workers. And it is not under the slogans of Christianity that this war is waged against our own people. This is some kind of sickle-and-hammer campaign.

In the village itself, another force is being created - "committees of the poor", committees. Kombeds were given full power in their village and volost. They could disperse the Soviets or bring their own people into them to make up the majority. The kombeds usually included the most unlucky people: either idlers and drunkards, rural squalor, or drunkards and street husks who fled from cities.

Where the peasants were stronger, richer - in the Chernozem zone, in the Volga region, in the North Caucasus - they often opposed the commanders in a united front - from the richest to farm laborers.

Combeds should help search for and seize "surplus food". Part of the confiscated bread was handed over to the commanders. They could arbitrarily redistribute the confiscated bread and confiscated property of those who were considered kulaks and "saboteurs."

Sholokhov has an amazing scene in Virgin Soil Upturned: when the communists, guardians of class justice, open chests in the houses of the dispossessed and equip the gathered fellow villagers with simple belongings: scarves, dresses, shirts, cuts of matter. And people take it all!

So: the same scenes took place much earlier, not in 1931, but in 1918. Through the Committees of the Poor.

Relying on armed force, the Kombeds actually pushed the Soviets out of power, “shaking up” them, expelling the “unreliable”. That is, the most "strong" and most active peasants. In November 1918, the communists canceled the committees - they caused too many negative emotions among the peasants. But they did their job - they changed the composition of the village councils.

First Peasants' War

The Communists spent a lot of ink arguing that the peasant uprisings started in 1920... In reality, already in the spring of 1918, a kind of First Peasant War began. Like the entire Civil War of 1917-1922, it was imposed by the Bolsheviks. The peasants had absolutely no intention of fighting and were forced to because they were attacked. Just as the junkers and the intelligentsia rise up in the autumn of 1917, just as civil servants go on strike, so the peasants rise and go on strike.

They have weapons: the army fled from the fronts armed, and fled mainly to the village. Millions of rifles, and besides, there were hunting weapons.

The peasants were divided: they did not expect an attack at all. Each village was on its own during these months. The men had neither artillery nor machine guns. Peasant resistance was doomed from the start, but the war could not help but become bloody and cruel.

After all, if the workers from the food detachments went to get bread for their children, then the peasants also defended their property. Also needed to feed families. They acted with the desperation of the doomed.

A “flying detachment” operated in the Tambov region under the command of Commissar S.N. Gelberg, "Red Sonya". The peasants called her "Bloody Dormouse". The detachment consisted of Hungarians, Chinese and Austrian Germans. Bursting into the village, "Bloody Sonya" certainly arranged a "purge", exterminating priests, officers, non-commissioned officers, St. George's Knights and high school students. Usually her "flying detachment" collected these doomed, and "Red Sonya" shot them with her own hands. She did it with great pleasure, killed in front of her wives and children, mocking the doomed people.

Her detachment dispersed the "wrong" Soviets, with resistance, these people were also killed. In their place, Sonya appointed new ones, from those whom she considered poor. After her departure, these Soviets usually scattered.

Soon the peasants began to resist: when the "flying detachment" approached the village, the ringing of the bell called the village militia, and it took up defense. And the boys fled to other villages for help. Militia came from other villages. Soon the "flying detachment" was utterly defeated. All of his "internationalists" were killed on the spot. "Bloody Sonya" surrendered. She was judged by a court gathering of several villages and impaled. Howling "Red Sonya" was heard for three days.

In the village of Kozlovka (Tambov province) the commissar, an elderly Jew with a beard and pince-nez, made a speech: there is no need to be afraid, the Soviet government wants to rely on the most respected people. Let the peasants themselves name those whom they want to see in the Soviets. The commissar looked calm and even affectionate, they believed him.

The men named several "fists", a village teacher, a priest. The commissar asked these people to come up to the cart, quietly ordered something... The Chinese with rifles at the ready pushed the respected people to the barn wall... The shutters clicked, a desperate female cry soared from the crowd. Volley!

The men were so stunned that they did not immediately go to the communists. Yes, they did not have any weapons, they came to the village meeting unarmed. Women rushed at the Chinese and the commissar. Volley! Several women were killed and wounded, a four-year-old child was killed on the spot. But a crowd of women ran into the builders of a bright future and began to carry out counter-revolutionary deeds, preventing humanity from leading to complete happiness. Men also rushed at the bearers of the age-old dream of the proletariat, the army of the World Revolution.

The commissar rushed to the machine gun, but, fortunately, the tape jammed. According to other sources, one of the men ran up, kicked the commissar in the head with his boot and knocked out his eye. The Chinese were killed with stakes and shafts (there were no other weapons), trampled underfoot. The commissar, with his eyes gouged out, was thrown by the peasants onto the wood-bins and sawn in half with a saw.

Cruelty? But the death of both the "Red Sonya" and the unknown commissar fits perfectly into the proverb: "What you sow, you will reap." And what were the peasants supposed to do when the best people of the village were being shot before their eyes, shooting at women with rifles and killing a child? According to the concepts of the peasants, these were absolutely monstrous crimes for which there is no explanation or forgiveness. And the women... In such cases, women set the bar... In Kozlovka, a man could not help throwing himself at the Bolsheviks, without losing respect for himself. Thank you sisters! Low bow to you.

In war as in war

Already in May 1918, artillery was used against the peasants in the Voronezh province. According to the report of the Cheka, during the suppression of only a part of such "counter-revolutionary rebellions", 3,057 peasants were killed, and after the suppression of the rebellion, another 3,437 people were shot. This is only in part of the territory of one Voronezh province!

Researchers give different numbers of those killed in this war - from 20-30 thousand to 200 thousand peasants. Most likely, the true figures lie somewhere in the middle, but the spread of information means one thing: as always, no one really counted.

The losses of the Chonovites are estimated at 500-800 people, workers from food detachments and soldiers - about 2-3 thousand people. However, this number could also include deserters who fled from their units under the guise and were considered killed.

The results of the war? About 13 million poods of grain (more than 200 thousand tons) were taken away from the peasants and brought to the cities. Is it a lot? For a comfortable life, a person needs about 200 kilograms of bread a year. And another 100 kilograms, if he eats the meat of pigs and cows, uses the work of a horse (after all, it must be fed with oats).

It turns out that the hammer and sickle campaign in the village brought a million annual rations. The minimum required amount for 0.6-0.8% of the population of Soviet Russia. Every 10 tons, and maybe even every ton of this bread was worth a human life.

Yes! The committees also redistributed 50 million hectares of land. It was taken from the rich and given to the poor. The total amount of this land is three times the area of ​​the entire landowner's land in Russia. Much was said about the landlords' land. This "black redistribution" of the summer of 1918 is still little known in Russia ... But he was!

Let the reader judge for himself whether this helped to solve the food problem - after all, once again a blow was dealt to the most economic and active.

And let the reader calculate for himself how many acres of land have been redistributed for each life ruined by the communists.

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“Against the organization of committees of the rural poor, against the crusade of class-conscious urban proletarians against the village kulaks and the rich, against the preaching of class struggle among the peasantry, all parties speak out, from the Cadets to the Left SR.

All these parties reproach the Soviet government and our party for artificially inciting a civil war in the countryside, and that our food detachments will bring nothing but harm to the countryside.

And, meanwhile, the news received from the localities, from the villages and countryside, shows that the decree of the Central Executive Committee on the Committees of the Poor Peasants was not invented by our Party, which allegedly wants, at all costs, to provoke a futile struggle and useless bloodshed.

All the news indicates that the struggle of the poor against the rich, of the proletarians of the countryside against the kulaks, is a widespread and everyday phenomenon, that this decree is a correct and timely response to the voice of life.

The class struggle waged between the poor and the kulak elements of the countryside, as reported on all sides, often takes the form of armed uprisings.

Reading the provincial newspapers, all sorts of "news" published by various provincial, district and even volost soviets, almost every time you find the most curious reports about the real war, the most authentic revolutionary struggle that the rural poor are now waging against their own kulaks.

The volost councils and committees of the poor are a thorn in the eye of the world-eaters and the rich, this rural bourgeoisie, imitating its older sister, the urban bourgeoisie, arranges the most real counter-revolutionary actions against the Soviet government and shows no less cruelty and brutality than the bourgeoisie of Tambov or Samara.

The life of the Nizhny Novgorod province gives many examples of this. Here is the village of Shargoley, Pavlovsk district, the kulaks, having organized themselves, killed three Bolsheviks and “knocked down the Soviet.” But the Bogoroditsky and Pavlovsk comrades came to the rescue and again “knocked down the kulaks.”

Here is the Kozyevskaya volost, Vasilyevsky district. The poor, numbering about 200 people, elect their Executive Committee. The kulaks gather a crowd of thousands and stage an armed attack on the Soviet at night. The Soviet has been dispersed, the kulaks are beating Soviet workers. But the poor do not give up their positions, with 20 rifles a small handful of people manage to disperse the angry crowd.

As you can see, the poor have to defend their organizations with an armed hand. Kulaks are people of action, and not with bare hands go to Soviet power. They act armed and, naturally, the struggle against them results in a bloody clash. Armed detachments of urban workers who are sent to the countryside provide the rural poor with unconditional necessary assistance in their struggle against their enemies, who at the same time are enemies of the urban proletariat.

Often the poor themselves cope with their enemies, without resorting to anyone's help. So, in the same Nizhny Novgorod province, in the village. The Migalikhas are a small but well-organized bunch of former soldiers who have come from the front, firmly holding weapons in their hands, with difficulty restraining the pressure on the volost Soviet of kulaks and the unconscious masses blindly following them, since they promise them heaven on earth with the free sale of bread.

The Migalikha bourgeoisie, like our Mensheviks and Right Socialist-Revolutionaries, plays on the unconsciousness and ignorance of the masses.

In addition to directly fighting the kulaks for power in the localities, the village poor, without any decrees, do exactly the same thing for the sake of which committees of the village poor are created by decree.

In the already mentioned p. Koziev, after dispersing the embittered kulak crowd, the poor peasants requisition grain from the kulaks, with which they succeed in sowing the fields of the entire poor peasantry, and the fields of the kulaks are not left without sowing. After that, the contented poor once again elect a purely Bolshevik Soviet.

From these few examples (and there are many such examples every day in the provincial newspapers), it is clear that the decree on committees of the poor does not invent anything, does not create anything contrary to life.

A class struggle is being waged in the countryside, a sharp, stubborn and fierce struggle. No united efforts, from the Cadets to the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, can stop the stratification of the countryside, which has long begun, and the class struggle within it.

Decree of the C.I.K. gives a certain meaning and organization to this struggle, and the Soviet government, as the government of worker-peasant Russia, helps the rural poor against the kulaks and the rich, and thereby shows that, as the government of the workers, it listens very sensitively to the true voice of life.

Boris Volin.