Muhammad ibn salman personal life. Only one wife: interesting facts about the new Saudi heir to the throne

Image copyright Ronald Grant Image caption Prince Mohammed becomes defense minister at age 29

From the moment his father ascended the throne, Prince Mohammed bin Salman's affairs rapidly went uphill - and now he is.

He has more and more power. All his competitors have faded into the background.

Here's what you need to know about the heir to the throne of Saudi Arabia.

Concentrated power in his branch of the ruling family

The newly appointed prince was close to his father Salman before he became king.

In 2009, Prince Mohammed became special adviser to his father, who was then governor of Riyadh.

However, the rise of Prince Mohammed is unique in a kingdom not accustomed to such rapid political ups and downs.

The big leap in his political career came in April 2015, when the new Saudi monarch removed the elderly heir to the throne and appointed a younger prince in his place.

Instead of the half-brother of the king, Muqrin ibn Abdul-Aziz, the nephew of the monarch Mohammed bin Naif was appointed crown prince.

And Salman's son was appointed his deputy - and, accordingly, the heir of the second stage. Now he, Mohammed bin Salman, has succeeded bin Naif in this position.

The new heir to the throne has also been appointed Deputy Prime Minister and continues to serve as Defense Minister.

Image copyright Getty Images Image caption US President Donald Trump meets with Prince Mohammed at the White House

Focuses on defense

When Salman bin Abdulaziz became king in January 2015, he was quick to strengthen his son's position in the country's ruling elite.

At 29, Mohammed became the country's youngest minister of defense.

Just two months later, Saudi Arabia assembled a coalition and launched a military campaign in Yemen.

However, to date, the coalition has not achieved its goal - to help exiled Yemeni President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi return the country's capital, Sana'a, from the control of the Houthi rebels.

Wants to rid the economy of Saudi Arabia of dependence on oil

In April 2016, the influential prince, who is also head of the Economic and Development Council, unveiled an ambitious vision for economic reforms to end the kingdom's dependence on oil revenues.

According to him, the implementation of this plan - "Vision-2030" - will allow the country to "live without oil" by 2020.

Having entered the first roles, the young prince began to position himself as a bright role model for the people of Saudi Arabia.

The International Monetary Fund called Vision 2030 "an ambitious, far-reaching goal" - but warned that it would be difficult to achieve.

Image copyright Getty Images Image caption In April 2015, King Salman appointed his son as crown prince.

Doesn't want to change relations with Iran

Last month, Prince Mohammed ruled out any dialogue between Saudi Arabia and rival Iran.

These countries indirectly participate from opposite sides in two conflicts - in Syria and in Yemen.

Relations between Riyadh and Tehran deteriorated further after the Saudi authorities executed Nimr al-Nimr, a prominent Shia cleric.

The rise of Mohammed bin Salman was described by the Iranian media as a "soft coup".

Family man

Muhammad bin Salman was born on August 31, 1985, he is the eldest son of Salman's third wife, Fahda bint Fala.

Unlike most Saudi princes, he completed his education in Saudi Arabia.

He studied law at King Saud University and has since worked in several government positions.

He has only one wife, by her he has two sons and two daughters.

Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman Al Saudstands out as the youngest face of a young nation.

However, dark stories follow the son of the head of the royal family. Conflict with Iran, pressure on businessmen and human rights activists. Now there is suspicion of the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who wrote several columns for the Washington Post critical of Prince Mohammed and disappeared on October 2 while visiting the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

Turkish officials have provided no evidence but say the journalist was killed and dismembered by a 15-man Saudi team. An operation that, if carried out, had to be approved by the top of the Al Saud monarchy. The administration of the kingdom comments on this claim as "unfounded", but does not provide any evidence that Khashoggi ever left the consulate.

Growing up heir

For decades in Saudi Arabia, succession has passed through dozens of sons of King Abdulaziz, the founder of the dynasty. And over time, the sons grew older and older, reaching the throne.

When King Salman assumed power in January 2015 and quickly appointed Prince Mohammed as defense minister, he took the kingdom by surprise, especially given the importance of the prince's position and age.

As defense minister, he entered the office facing a crisis in Yemen, the poorest country in the Arab world, which lies to the south of the kingdom. Shia rebels known as the Houthis have taken over the country's capital Sana'a, destroying the deeply unpopular government of Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.

When Hadi fled and the country's port city of Aden turned out to be in the hands of the rebels, Saudi Arabia launched a coalition war against the Houthis, a conflict that soon ended in a stalemate.

The United Nations estimates that 10,000 people have died in the Yemen conflict, and activists say the number is likely much higher.

Meanwhile, the Saudi-led coalition has faced widespread criticism over air strikes on clinics and marketplaces that have killed civilians. In addition, landmines and arrests of political opponents were indiscriminately used against the Houthis.

The coalition says Iran provided weapons to the Houthis, ranging from small arms to ballistic missiles, which are now regularly fired at the kingdom. But Iran denies this fact.

For Prince Mohammed, the conflict remains part of what he sees as an existential struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran over the future of the Middle East. In response to questions from the Western community about conflict with civilian casualties, he replies: "Mistakes happen in all wars."

The prince also became involved in a conflict with the late Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, who announced he would step down after a visit to the kingdom in November 2017, raising suspicion that he was forced to do so.

Prince Mohammed hinted that Saudi Arabia would be prepared to deal with Iran differently, leading Tehran to blame the kingdom for the attack on a military parade in Ahvaz last month that killed at least 24 people and killed and wounded more than 60 others. Arab separatists and ISIS claimed responsibility for the attack.

Foreign friends

His aggressive stance against Iran won the support of US President Donald Trump and his administration, which pulled out of the Iran nuclear deal.

Prior to becoming crown prince, Prince Mohammed visited the White House and formed a close relationship with Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner. The two men are believed to be working on plans to appease Israel and the Palestinians.

Trump made Riyadh his first overseas stop as president. Behind the scenes, many analysts believe that Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates have seen the green light to move forward with the ongoing boycott of Qatar, the small Arabian Peninsula nation in a political dispute.

Initially, Trump appeared to approve of a boycott of Qatar, which hosted al-Udeid Air Base, the forward headquarters of the US Central Command.

Trump's first secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, tried in vain to pressure the Saudis and secretly complained that ties between the White House and Prince Mohammed had damaged the US reputation.

The dismissal of Tillerson in March and the arrival of Mike Pompeo as Trump's top diplomat markedly reduced criticism from the Saudi State Department over the detentions of human rights defenders, including women, and the conflict in Yemen.

Despite an increase in civilian casualties in Yemen, Pompeo told Congress in September that Saudi Arabia was taking steps to reduce crime, drawing heavy condemnation from lawmakers and human rights groups.

The young prince traveled the US as part of his business trip, meeting the likes of former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, who owns The Washington Post.

Terror

Prince Mohammed also hosted a major business summit at the Ritz Carlton in Riyadh, paired with a Saudi-born humanoid robot named Sophia.

Only a few weeks later, the hotel turned into a luxurious prison for the mass arrest of businessmen, representatives of the royal court and others, organized by Prince Mohammed in the course of an operation to combat corruption. Whoever got out alive agreed to transfer some of his assets to the prince.

For now, anger over Khashoggi's disappearance appears to have sparked international criticism of the young prince.

Trump, already angry at rising global oil prices, said he wanted answers from Saudi Arabia and invited Khashoggi's fiancée to visit the White House.

American lawmakers are also outraged - although US-Saudi relations survived even September 15 and 19. 11 of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia.

The opacity of the Al Saud royal family makes it difficult to understand the impact condemnation of the kingdom's actions has on support for Prince Mohammed at home. State television continues to make videos of him, attending meetings and greeting officials as if everything is normal.

And as the son of a king, analysts say he fully defends the power of the throne.

Once at the prince's, can anything stop him, and he answered with two words: "Only death."

Prepared by Anton Vizkovsky

Journalist Jamal Khashoggi disappeared in Istanbul in early October. The last time he was seen at the Consulate General of Saudi Arabia, where Khashoggi came to complete the paperwork. Later the authorities that the columnist is dead.

Former British intelligence chief John Sawyers all points to the assassination of an opposition journalist commissioned by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud.

Photo © AP Photo/Alastair Grant

In total, two versions are being circulated in the world press regarding the death of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. According to one, the murder was committed on the orders of the second person of the state, Mohammed bin Salman, whom the journalist regularly criticized. According to another, "the death of the correspondent occurred as a result of his conflict with people who were also on the territory of the Saudi consulate in Istanbul."

One of many

Not so long ago, just three and a half years ago, Mohammed bin Salman was just one of the Saudi princes in the legendaryly vast royal family. He, like many of his uncles and cousins, amused himself by playing business and betting on the stock market, and sometimes succumbed to the temptation to act as a philanthropist.

That all changed when, in January 2015, his father, Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, succeeded to the royal throne. Mohammed stepped out of the shadows and began to actively expand his power, taking advantage of the position of the beloved son of the current king. Crushing all other relatives-competitors who claim to power, and isolating from the world those who did not want to capitulate before him.

Photo © AP Photo/Hassan Ammar

The resounding reformatory speeches of the prince, who did not skimp on criticizing the order in the country, painted Saudi Arabia the prospect of turning into a peninsula of real democracy in just a few months. Mohammed's reformist words were bought not only by some segments of the country's population, but also by Western leaders.

Road to a father's heart

Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud was born in 1985, becoming the first child of the third and last wife of Salman Sr., Fahda. The path to the throne for him was blocked by brothers who were born earlier. But the road to the heart of the pope was free, and Mohammed managed to pass it faster than others. However, there was not without oncoming traffic: among other equals, Salman, for one well-known reason, chose Muhammad.

He was 12 years old when his father, then the head of the capital province, began to take him with him to meetings with businessmen and politicians. According to the official biography of Muhammad, at school he stood out for his intellect and entered the top ten graduates of the kingdom in the year of graduation.

Unlike many princes who traveled abroad for higher education, Mohammed chose to stay in Riyadh with his father. He graduated from the Faculty of Law of King Saud University with the second result in his course. It is said that he never smoked, did not drink alcohol and did not like parties. He took his first steps in business in real estate and the stock exchange. After that, he showed philanthropic inclinations, allocating subsidies from his own fund MiSK to support young entrepreneurs. This did not go unnoticed by the regional publication Forbes, which honored the prince with its award in 2013.

And to the pinnacle of power

Assuming the throne on January 23, 2015, Salman appointed his beloved son as Secretary General of the State Court and Minister of Defense - at 29 years old, he became the youngest head of the Defense Ministry in the history of the country. On January 29, Mohammed bin Salman also became the head of the State Council for Economic Affairs and Development. The Council, it must be said, was created by Muhammad himself. On the same day. Instead of the Supreme Economic Council abolished by him.

Mohammed, whom the entourage in communication with each other began to call abbreviated as MBS, actively undertook to demonstrate his ambitions. True, the results of the military campaign he launched in Yemen against the Houthis turned out to be disastrous, but not so much that the new Saudi authority became despondent. This was followed by a boycott of Qatar, the announcement of economic transformation "to reduce the country's dependence on oil in the future" and the proclamation of Saudi Arabia's course to abandon radical Islam.

Foreign investors and young Saudis were delighted with the fresh air of change pouring into the country.

Sources claim that Mohammed's frantic activity very soon caused discontent and ferment within the family: King Salman's nephew, 57-year-old Mohammed ibn Naif, who was appointed crown prince in 2015, circulated a letter criticizing MBS for his arrogance and warning of what he was preparing palace coup. Despite the fact that Naif had intelligence and the Ministry of the Interior at his disposal, the young rival managed to “shoot” first, depriving an older competitor of all portfolios in June 2017 and taking the post of crown prince.

On November 4, 2017, MBS became the head of a specially created Anti-Corruption Committee. Another episode that the West liked, where the fight against corruption, although it does not bring the desired results, is in trend. On the same day, 11 princes were arrested (four of them were former ministers) and several dozen of the richest people in the kingdom. On suspicion of involvement in corruption.

monster made in USA and smart paranoid

Photo © AP Photo/Francois Mori

Ben Salman is a monster created by the USA. The Trump administration's support, especially his dealings with the president's son-in-law Jared Kushner, was a critical factor in his move, said Adam Koogle, an observer at Human Rights Watch. - Prior to this, Mohammed ibn Naif, respected by the US security services and military for his actions against terrorism, was considered the man of Washington. Now these same services saw with apprehension the growth of the young and thoughtless prince. The news that Ibn Naif was placed under house arrest shocked many in Washington and is regarded as an insult.

David Ottaway of the Wilson American Think Tank also noted that the Khashoggi scandal had shattered Mohammed bin Salman's painstakingly portrayal of a reformer.

The Khashoggi scandal has shattered Mohammed bin Salman's image of a reformer, previously held in high esteem by Western governments. His decisions to limit the power of the religious police, to open cinemas and concert halls, to allow women to drive, suddenly turned out to be child's play, designed to slightly retouch the sinister image of a tyrant who considers himself so above the law that he can order the murder of a journalist who criticized him right in the consulate. David Ottaway of the Wilson American Think Tank.

Photo © AP Photo/Evan Vucci

Western politicians are very cautious in assessing the murder of an Arab journalist. On the one hand, "highly like" is clear who the customer is. But on the other hand, there is Trump, who, under pressure from the public and the facts, although he admits that "there are a lot of misunderstandings in the case," he does not want to directly condemn MBS.

The French Foreign Minister says in a vague way that "many questions remain unanswered" and "this matter must be carefully and comprehensively examined." And in a joint statement by the German Chancellor and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic, with restrained indignation, it is reported about "the insufficiency of information provided by Riyadh" and "the possibility of suspending the supply of weapons to Saudi Arabia while the investigation into the death of a journalist is underway." Europe and US allies in NATO will hardly act against Trump.

King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud of Saudi Arabia has replaced the crown prince. Instead of the 57-year-old nephew of the king Muhammad bin Naif, his 31-year-old son Muhammad bin Salman will become the king's nephew, Al Arabia TV channel reports.

Muhammad bin Salman was elected crown prince by 31 out of 43 members from the Allegiance Council, the family council of the house of Saudi, which was established in 2007 and deals with the succession to the throne. Council members will take an oath of allegiance to the new heir to the throne at a special ceremony in Mecca, scheduled for June 23.

Muhammad bin Salman, until now Deputy Crown Prince, chairs the Saudi Arabian Economic and Development Council. This is the main body of economic planning in the state, it oversees the work of the largest oil company in the world, the state-owned Saudi Aramco.

According to media reports, Muhammad is the favorite and most influential son of King Salman, who led the country in early 2015.

Muhammad bin Salman Al Saud. 2016 photo of Henrik Montgomery / TT / Scanpix / LETA

If the previous crown prince became famous as the head of the kingdom's internal security and a dedicated functionary, then the new heir is known primarily as a "young technocrat"; his entourage are people 30-40 years old, mostly with Western education, ready, at least in words, to change many things in Saudi Arabia.

In fact, revolutionary events have taken place in Saudi Arabia, since the changes in the order of succession are radical. Traditionally, the throne in the kingdom is not passed from father to son, but from brother to brother. And now, for the first time since the death of the founder of Saudi Arabia, Abdelaziz al Saud, a son inherits his father.

Moreover, changes in the order of succession have occurred for the second time since King Salman took the throne. This happened for the first time when, instead of the king's brother Muqrin ibn Abdulaziz (who was 69 years old at that time), a nephew, 56-year-old Muhammad bin Naif, was declared crown prince.

Saudi Arabia is one of the leading powers in the Middle East. This position is based both on territorial power (the area of ​​the kingdom is almost twice the territory occupied by Germany and France), and on the semi-official status of the custodian of Islamic shrines (Mecca and Medina are located in Saudi Arabia). The economic situation of the kingdom also plays an important role: Saudi Arabia is the world's leading oil exporter, and ranks fourth in the world in terms of the number of proven reserves.

At the same time, Saudi Arabia is one of the most authoritarian states on the planet (in 2010, The Economist put the kingdom in 160th place out of 167 in the political freedom index; by 2016, the situation remained virtually unchanged). Since the 1930s, the kingdom has been ruled by the Saudi dynasty, and power in the country is almost entirely concentrated in the hands of the royal family. Political parties are banned in the country, and key posts and ministries are distributed among the relatives of the king. The Al Saud family is quite large (there are more than seven thousand of all kinds of princes), so the monarch, as a rule, does not face personnel problems.

The main alternative to royal power can be considered the power of religious institutions. The Koran is officially recognized by the Constitution of Saudi Arabia, the country lives according to Sharia law, therefore, the courts play a significant role, which, among other things, has the right to interpret sacred texts. In practice, questions of defense, foreign policy, international relations are considered the direct responsibility of the monarch, while religious institutions deal with issues of justice, education and the family. In his actions, the monarch is also limited by the decisions of the leaders of the tribes and representatives of the richest families. In addition, there is opposition from the Islamists and the Shiite minority.

Another important factor is relations with the West, the main consumer of Saudi oil. Saudi Arabia's interest in good relations with the West has repeatedly led to internal controversy and international scandals. For example, Saudi Arabia is an ally of the United States, but the military base that was located there was moved by the Americans to Qatar in 2003 - also because of the opposition of influential families: they did not want "infidel" troops to be located on the territory of Saudi Arabia. The stay of American troops in Saudi Arabia was one of the reasons for the September 11, 2001 attacks (and in 2016 it turned out that some officials of the Saudi government could be involved in the attacks).

Muhammad bin Salman and US President Donald Trump at the White House. March 14, 2017 Shealah Craighead / The White House

During the 85 years of the existence of Saudi Arabia, the kingdom was ruled by only two generations of monarchs: the brothers and sons of the first king, Abdulaziz ibn Abdurrahman. Under each of them, the complex balance of power within the kingdom changed slightly - depending on the reforms that they began to carry out. At the same time, attempts at economic modernization invariably rested on the unwillingness (or inability) of the monarchs to expand the participation of the population in political life.

Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, the seventh king of Saudi Arabia, ascended the throne in 2015. The usual problems of the kingdom (dependence on oil exports, an overgrown state apparatus) had reached a new level by this time: the fall in oil prices, which ensured (and ensures) the functioning of almost all spheres of life in the kingdom, put the population, accustomed to living on income from oil rent, in front of the need to earn money in the private sector. The reform of the public sector, which provides 70% of jobs in the country, has made the situation even more acute.

This reform, launched by Salman immediately after coming to power, involved the abolition of 11 government secretariats and the creation in their place of two: the Council for Political and Security Affairs and the Council for Economic and Development Affairs. The first was led by the king's nephew, Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Muhammad bin Naif. The second is Salman's own son, head of the royal court and vice-crown prince Muhammad bin Salman. Thus, the king concentrated in the hands of his nephew and son the main functions of government. At the same time, the reformist mandate was given to the young Muhammad bin Salman, who was under 30 at that time: as the Arab media wrote in early 2015, Muhammad bin Naif, who was appointed crown prince, received a higher position and successor status, but Muhammad bin Salman was given the right to carry out broad reforms, including a complete reform of the government.

As far as can be judged, the decision to appoint Muhammad bin Salman as crown prince (and the dismissal of Muhammad bin Naif from all positions held) does not indicate a struggle between the nephew and the son of the king - they belong to the same family, hold similar views on the international role of the kingdom, both are valued and respected in the West. But in terms of rejuvenation and modernization, the 31-year-old son looks like a more promising figure than the 57-year-old nephew - especially in the eyes of the monarch, who is now 81. It is more than likely that for Salman, the son is more suitable for the role of the first representative of the third generation of Saudi kings.

Muhammad bin Salman, who four years ago presented himself to journalists as a "simple lawyer", has recently made a rapid career. As head of the Council for Economic Affairs, he also received the post of Minister of Defense of Saudi Arabia and is considered responsible for the start. On the economic front, the young heir also developed a vigorous activity. Muhammad bey Salman fired many aging officials, replacing them with young (and Western-educated) ones. With their help, he developed the Vision 2030, which involves the complete deliverance of the Saudi economy from oil dependence. The plan includes the partial privatization of oil producer Aramco and the creation of a $2 trillion sovereign wealth fund with the proceeds.

The key quality of the new heir is his willingness to go into conflict with the representatives of the past generation. In particular, certain hopes are pinned on him, related to limiting the influence of conservative religious circles and ensuring the liberalization of the political life of the kingdom - something that no Saudi king-reformer has been able to fully achieve so far.

At the end of May, ibn Salman visited Moscow, where he held talks with President Vladimir Putin.

Suspicious silence has surrounded the 32-year-old crown prince of Saudi Arabia and the country's de facto leader, Mohammed bin Salman. This silence is so deafening that some media in the Middle East are wondering if he is dead.

Mohammed bin Salman has not appeared in public since meeting with the Spanish royal family on April 12. And on April 21, there was a shooting near the royal palace in Riyadh.

Saudi Arabia's official news agency said security forces shot down a drone near the royal palace. However, some believe the shooting was actually an attempted coup d'état led by part of the Saudi royal family who want to overthrow King Salman.

Context

Flirting with Moscow, hinting at a serious relationship

Meem Magazine 29.03.2018

Should we be afraid of the new leader of Saudi Arabia?

Al Arabiya 22.06.2017

When the princes were locked up at the Ritz

11/14/2017 Some enemies of Saudi Arabia are sure of this.

Iranian newspaper Kayhan reported last week that the crown prince had been injured in the attack and may have already died. She referred to a secret intelligence report that was received from a high-ranking official from an Arab country, which she did not name.

The newspaper claimed that "there is a lot of evidence to suggest that the absence of the prince for almost 30 days is related to the incident and is hidden from the public."

In support of their claims, Kaihan pointed out that Mohammed bin Salman did not appear in front of the cameras when the new US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visited Riyadh in late April, while his father, Saudi King Salman bin Abdul Aziz and the foreign minister Adel Al-Jubeir appeared.

To refute the rumors, Saudi media on Wednesday released a photo of Mohammed bin Salman at a cabinet meeting in Jeddah that confirmed he was alive.

The disappearance of bin Salman lasted about a month. He disappeared from the media spotlight after his tour of the US and Europe a few weeks ago, where he discussed business ties with a number of US business giants.

Upon his return from the tour, the heir to the Saudi throne faced serious tensions within the royal family. According to the Iranian news agency, bin Salman's son Mohammed bin Naif and the son of the late king Mutaib bin Abdullah oppose the aggressive invasion of Yemen and the blockade of Qatar.

If the April 21 coup attempt did take place, then it is likely another step to avenge the massive crackdown launched by bin Salman in November 2017, during which dozens of wealthy members of the royal family were arrested.

The materials of InoSMI contain only assessments of foreign media and do not reflect the position of the editors of InoSMI.

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