Horizontal gender segregation

Horizontal gender segregation means separating men and women into qualitatively different areas of employment. It should be noted that today it is not as pronounced as in the past. Thus, in Great Britain in 1900, over 70% of wage earners were men.

Clerical workers were predominantly male, and professions such as lawyers and lawyers were exclusively male. However, by the beginning of the XXI century. men made up only 54% of all employees, and 28% of lawyers and advocates were women. Despite the seemingly obvious progress, horizontal segregation continues to exist, albeit in more hidden forms. Many professions continue to be gendered. For example, in all countries, the majority of nurses, housekeepers and cleaners are women, while the majority of police and military personnel are men. A similar situation is observed in Russia: in 2013, 92.6% of nurses and 94.1% of nannies and teachers in kindergartens were women.

Vertical gender segregation

Vertical gender segregation is the division of men and women into high and low job positions within the same profession/field of employment. In recent decades, there has been clear evidence of a decline in vertical segregation in developed Western countries. For example, in the UK, the concentration of women in low-level positions in the public service, schooling, and trade is becoming less noticeable. Nevertheless, in general, the situation remains unchanged, and the higher and more prestigious this or that official position, the less accessible it becomes for women.

According to the State Statistics Committee of Russia for 2013, among the heads of government and administration at all levels, including heads of organizations, 62% are men. Since these data combine both directors of large enterprises and heads of small departments, a more accurate picture emerges if we turn to pay data for men and women in managerial positions. In October 2013, the average monthly salary of male managers was 59,645 rubles, while that of women managers was only 43,727 rubles.

Thus, despite the media broadcast and the image of women storming the “strongholds” of male employment, which has become quite popular, the feminization of labor has not destroyed the demarcation of male and female professions/areas of employment. Some researchers characterize this situation as a paradox, when, on the one hand, there is a huge increase in female employment, and on the other hand, an equally intense concentration of women in the secondary labor market (temporary and low-paid employment).

There are several explanations for this situation. Some researchers believe that this is due to the very nature of the modern restructuring of the labor market, which has led to the emergence of a large number of jobs that are temporary, non-guaranteed and low pay. It is these places that occupy the majority of working women.

Another explanation for gender segregation in the labor market refers to a wider division of labor in society and emphasizes that the need to bear and care for children forces many women to accept part-time jobs and low wages. However, while part-time work is disadvantageous to some women, its prevalence among women cannot explain the situation of gender segregation in general. So, although in the UK women of Afro-Caribbean origin prefer to work full-time, despite their “childish” workload, they are nevertheless concentrated in low-paid positions.

Moreover, comparative studies provide conflicting data and reveal serious flaws in explanations based on the need for women to bear the “childish” burden. For example, in the UK, 43% of women work part-time due to the need to care for children. By contrast, in France, where women only choose to leave their jobs if they have three or more children or are fired due to age, only one in five working women is employed part-time. If the reason for women's disadvantaged position in the labor market was their family burden, then the women of France, whose working career is in many ways similar to men, should have been in a more equal position with men. However, in reality, although French women are more successful than British women in moving into grassroots management positions, the degree of vertical and horizontal segregation in the two countries appears to be similar.

It is also important to consider how women, and especially mothers, are constructed by society itself as lower-level workers. One of the significant factors here is gender discourse, i.e. accusations of working mothers (by public opinion) in a number of social problems. Thus, in many societies, the roles of mother and working woman are seen as incompatible.

Another factor is the role of the state in the gender structuring of the labor market, such as allowing employers to enter into temporary labor contracts with women without any protection for mothers, which in fact contributes to the development of a two-tier labor market.

Finally, any explanation of gender segregation must take into account how gender is embedded in the organizational process of the company, i.e. the ways in which organizational culture can perpetuate gender segregation and hinder women's career advancement by creating a so-called glass ceiling for them.

• Discourse is a complex of ideas, concepts and representations that are established as knowledge or worldview of a particular society. These ideas create a certain model for understanding and behavior in society.
• The "glass ceiling" is a metaphor for invisible barriers to women's advancement into high-paying professional, managerial, or political positions.

The notion of occupational segregation is related to the analysis of the asymmetric placement of women in the occupational structure and the resulting inequalities in terms of wages for men and women and in relation to other occupational characteristics.

Theoretical approaches to the concept of "professional segregation" vary depending on the views of representatives of various social and economic schools. Analyzing various directions, we can distinguish several different approaches to this issue:

1. Professional segregation is a continuation of the influence of male and female roles, their status in the household, in public life, transferred to the professional structure. This distribution of sex roles can be given initially or be the result of coercions imposed by economic (capitalist) exploitation (the point of view of the Marxists).

2. Occupational segregation arises as a result of the action of supply and demand factors in the labor market: from the perspective of individual men and women as rational producers and consumers (the neoclassical point of view).

The placement of women in employment is explained as a consequence of male pressure in the public and private spheres (feminist point of view). The influence of the male mentality can be considered more widely, as the sum of influencing factors - economic, socio-cultural, household (Cambridge group of scientists).

The latter approach seems to us the most realistic. In this book, in fact, there is an attempt by the author to analyze the factors that influence the placement of women in the field of employment and are ultimately shaped by the socio-cultural context. (Demographic factors - ch.2, household factors - ch.4, socio-cultural - ch.1, economic - ch.3).

The development of a complex society passes through the social and technical division of labor, which implies the existence of a fairly rigid professional structure.

The occupational structure describes the different types of occupations and occupational groups. The standardization of professions makes it possible to consider each profession as an equal unit, allows the classification of professional categories, for example, in relation to the status of the profession. The status can be high or low, depending on the level of pay and social recognition of this profession, that is, it is possible to carry out a certain gradation of professions in terms of its status.

We will define the distribution of men and women in jobs of different status within the framework of the professional structure as gender segregation in the professional sphere or occupational segregation.

There is also a difference between horizontal segregation, which appears in different occupational groups, and vertical segregation, which is found among the same occupational category (42).

Horizontal occupational segregation exists when men and women mostly work in different occupational groups and are supported by the recruitment of men and women for different jobs.

There are many professions that are stereotyped as "female" or "male" professions. For example, the professions of a nanny, a nurse, a school teacher, an educator, a cook in children's institutions, a librarian, and a typist are perceived by us as "female" professions. While the professions of a driver, financier, broker, builder are recognized as "male".

In other words, there is a process of "polotypization" (Crompton, Sanderson, 1990), that is, the process of feminization or masculinization of professions, when certain professions receive polytypized characteristics, and social gender is decisive in establishing these characteristics. There are barriers for women to enter the sphere of "male" professions.

However, the existing socio-gender structure can be changed, because the division into "male" and "female" professions is socially constructed, which means it can be changed. The ideology of a patriarchal society, creating its own attitudes towards the distribution of roles between a man and a woman, has certainly affected the professional sphere of human activity. The propensity for the professions of a nanny, nurse, school teacher is interpreted as a woman's "natural" inclination to be a mother, educator, and take care of loved ones. The "natural" role of women is projected onto the sphere of employment. Public opinion supports women working in "women's" professions and does not accept women working in "male" professions.

A rather complicated issue is the question of the possible existence in women (as in men) of natural skills for certain types of labor. This refers to skills such as perseverance, "finger dexterity" when performing certain manual work. The difficulty for us lies in isolating socially and naturally constructed professional skills. However, this aspect does not contradict our general reasoning about the existence of a social phenomenon of professional gender typification, associated primarily with the idea of ​​a "normal" division of professional and domestic labor between the sexes.

The dependence of the process of polytypization of professions on a particular society can be demonstrated by the following example. The profession of a doctor in our country is considered "female", while in Western society this profession is represented mainly by men. This is due to the difference in the level of payment for the medical profession in different countries. Occupational characteristics such as "masculine" or "feminine" are often associated with concepts such as prestigious or unprestigious. The profession of a doctor in developed European countries is a highly paid and prestigious profession and as a result is defined as "male".

There is also an opposite effect: "male" professions receive a higher social assessment in the eyes of society, which forms a higher pay for "male" labor. Consequently, the process of changing social practice, the establishment of an egalitarian ideology of social development will make it possible to change the socio-gender structure of professional employment.

The next source of replenishment of horizontal segregation is the process of displacement of women into low-graded professions in terms of pay and social prestige. This repression is due to the perception of women as "incapable" worker. It turns out a vicious circle: on the one hand, a woman cannot get a well-paid job due to the lack of qualifications, on the other hand, a low level of qualification is a consequence of the process of polo-typing.

The tactics of forcing women into low-paid and low-prestige jobs is manifested both directly and indirectly. In the first case, difficulties arise in relation to equal access to certain types of work (professional groups), in the second - in relation to women's equal access to educational structures and other requirements for entering the relevant labor market,

It is also possible to influence the process of displacement of women from highly qualified professions by creating a legal basis for equal access to various professions, developing educational and qualification structures and involving women in these structures.

One more type of occupational segregation of women can be identified: vertical segregation. Vertical segregation exists when men mostly work in higher graded professions, while women work in lower graded ones (that is, there are gender differences in the social status of the profession). There are also gender differences in the structure of positions held. This segregation is supported either by recruitment for various professions (modifications of the profession - a teacher of elementary or senior grades, a university teacher) within the same professional group, or by keeping women at lower levels of labor organization.

Vertical segregation of the first type is similar to horizontal segregation, but operates within the same occupational group. For example, the primary and secondary education environment is dominated by women, while the university teaching staff is gender heterogeneous. The same thing happens in medical structures: the higher the status of a doctor, the more likely it is that this work is performed by a man (the senior medical staff of clinics and departments), while district doctors are mostly women, “growing up” to the head of a district polyclinic department. Moreover, depending on the social gender of the employee, the same position can be both the starting and the final step in the career trajectory (scientist, etc.).

Vertical segregation of the second type is also realized within the same occupational group. Men and women are recruited to the same professional levels, but the man moves up the corporate ladder, and the woman does not overcome the career hierarchy.

Let's take an example. Although secondary school teaching is one of the feminized industries (females accounted for 75% of the total number of teachers in 1991), the proportion of female secondary school principals was only 39% (67). Why is this happening?

A woman cannot effectively move up the career ladder, as there are a number of barriers that prevent such advancement. First, one of these barriers is the barrier of social gender, when a woman is a priori perceived as an "incapable" worker, for whom there is no need for promotion, because the "main" sphere of a woman's activity is the family. Secondly, such socio-cultural concepts about the social field, work and domestic division of labor affect not only women's leaders and their colleagues, but also negatively affect the psychological perception of a woman of herself and her own self-worth. Thirdly, a barrier to career advancement can be a lag in formal and informal qualifications.

The lag in informal qualifications implies the loss of real qualification skills in the presence of a formal qualification document. Losses in informal skills are associated with breaks in seniority due to family responsibilities, as well as underutilization of women's qualification potential.

According to a one-time sociological survey of working and living conditions of Russian women (1990), only 57.3% of the women surveyed believe that their qualifications correspond to the work they perform, and 25.2% of women believe that their qualifications do not correspond at all to the work they perform. Moreover, even a ten-year work experience does not bring satisfactory results in accordance with the qualifications obtained and the work performed. 30% of women with work experience from 5 to 10 years are not satisfied with this correspondence.

Women are not interested in improving their professional skills, since nothing has changed in 65.4% of the women surveyed after training. Moreover, 91.2% of women were not promoted, 88.3% - in the category, and 81.3% did not receive a salary increase (67).

Unequal promotion opportunities also affect the wage gap between men and women. By the age of 20, the difference in the average salary of men and women is 15%, and by the age of 30, the average salary of men is related to the average salary of women as 3:2 (11). Today, there are even bolder estimates of the ratio of wages for men and women: this indicator is estimated at 2:1 (32).

Among the reasons given by women in connection with their failure to perform work received in their specialty, the following stand out: it is difficult to find a job in their specialty (26.5% of the women surveyed), the proximity of the current work from home (26.3%), higher wages (19 .3%), the need to care for young children (14.5%) (67). As can be seen from the above figures, most of these reasons are limited to the marital status of women and the distribution of labor in the family.

Despite the legally enforceable right for men and women to receive equal pay for equal work, there is a certain pay gap between men and women (one of the consequences of occupational segregation). This is due both to direct discrimination against women and to the representation of women in lower-paid jobs.

Socio-gender differences in wages caused by indirect discrimination against women are supported by a number of reasons that form a discriminatory position in relation to women's wages at the micro and macro levels.

Different levels of wages for men and women may arise due to insufficient provision of women with opportunities to receive education or improve their qualifications, or due to unequal opportunities in the realization of their professional qualities, in career advancement. The pay gap between men and women can be the result of different labor productivity of men and women, as well as a consequence of the difference in hours worked. This is most clearly manifested in relation to overtime work (Mezentseva, 1993). Discriminatory phenomena arise in this case at the stage of providing women with overtime work - women are less given the chance of additional work, less sent on business trips (as we have already mentioned, this discriminatory moment is even enshrined in the latest Labor Code of the Russian Federation).

According to surveys of family budgets of Russians among men and women, the percentage of men and women who do not have an additional paid job, but who want to have one, is practically the same - 45.7% of men and 44.4% of women want to acquire an additional job (59).

By choice, family or social coercion, a woman spends more energy and time on raising a child and other household chores. Consequently, she is not included in the developing labor market equally with men, which entails a restriction in the choice of work and a reduction in earnings. Participation in the labor process intermittently reduces women's wages and is associated with a drop in skills.

Depending on the different focus of the study (training, performance, etc.), US researchers estimate the gender share in the earnings gap between men and women to be 20-80%. For example, Minser and Polachek (1979) estimate that approximately 40% of the gap is due to differences in women's and men's working hours; Corcoran and Duncan (1979) state that 44% of the gap between the earnings of white men and women is due to discriminatory situations in educational and professional fields (57).

Socio-gender differences in wages are ubiquitous, however, they have been studied in different countries with varying degrees of detail. The lack of available and sufficiently disaggregated statistical information on wage differentiation by gender is the main obstacle to conducting an in-depth analysis of the facts of wage discrimination against women in Russia.

However, an analysis of the gap in the wages of women and men at the sectoral level (that is, at the macro level) can be carried out if the branches of employment are ranked by the level of average wages. The following trend is revealed: the higher the proportion of women employed in the industry, the lower the level of wages. Let's turn to table 2.

SECTORS OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMY LEVEL LEVEL SPEEDO MONTHLY

FEMINI PAY* SALARY (1992)

*The level of wages in the industry in relation to the average salary

Table 2. The level of feminization of industries and indicators of average monthly wages by sectors of the national economy.

The lowest level of the average monthly salary (1992) - 2919 rubles, 3709 rubles, 3550 rubles, 3899 rubles - falls on the most feminized sectors - culture, education, art, health care and social security, where the proportion of women in the total number of employees is, respectively, : 75%, 79%, 55%, 83%.

At the beginning of 1994, while the average monthly wage in Russia was 146,000 rubles, the average wage in the gas industry, for example, reached 666,000 rubles, and in the fields of culture and art, less than 100,000 rubles. The level of representation of women in both sectors of employment can be seen in Table 2, since the dynamics of the representation of women in these sectors over the past two years has not changed significantly. An analysis of the above figures confirms the thesis that the more feminized the industry, the lower the level of wages.

Comparison of the level of pay and the degree of feminization of specific industries (that is, the proportion of working women) is very clear in a graphical representation (see graph 1).

The maximum level of wages is observed in those sectors where the share of working women is minimal, and vice versa.

It should be noted that the less paid industries include those industries that have traditionally been financed on a residual basis, that is, industries of the non-productive sphere, traditionally non-profit industries. However, in this context, this factor does not play any role, since we assume that the feminization of industries occurs due to their unprofitability, and not vice versa. Therefore, it does not matter to us for what reason this industry is non-profit

feminization and the levels of average wages of sectors of the national economy.

and is represented mainly by low-paid jobs. Since the phenomenon of profitlessness in the industry is primary in relation to its feminization, we are interested in comparing these two indicators. In this regard, it will be interesting to follow the dynamics of the gender composition of enterprises and industries that have become unprofitable under the influence of modern conditions and which are not feminized (many conversion enterprises can be attributed to such enterprises).

If we compare wages in feminized industries compared to the national average, we will see that wages in "women's" industries lose not only in comparison with wages in "male" industries, but are simply below the national average wage.

In addition, these figures represent only the ratio of industry average wages and do not assess the ratio of other sources of income. First, in this comparison, we do not take into account the high incomes generated by joint, private and privatized enterprises, where there is an underrepresentation of women. Secondly, we do not take into account the low income level of socially unprotected strata, among which women have a significant representation, that is, the income level of pensioners, disabled people, mothers of large families, and students. These features allow us to conclude that the gap between the level of women's income and the average level of income in the country is much more significant than the gap between similar indicators in terms of wages.

Gender wage gaps, barriers to career advancement, difficulties in realizing professional skills, lagging behind in formal and informal skills are defining features of women's employment. These phenomena are common at all levels of the professional structure: at the level of the national economy as a whole, at the sectoral level and at the level of a particular enterprise.

The formation of a professional structure that carries discriminatory features against women (who, in particular, in our country make up half of all those employed in the national economy), dictates the need to study this structure and find ways to influence it in order to destroy discriminatory gender barriers. The model of professional segregation, built for the current state of the labor market in Russia, is discussed in the next paragraph.

Definition of “gender segregation”

Gender segregation, like many other characteristics of the labor market, is a complex, multifaceted phenomenon. On the one hand, gender segregation is one of the results of the development of modern society, and on the other hand, it is the source of many of its problems. Therefore, today this phenomenon attracts close attention from scientists, politicians, and individuals who are trying to understand the complex causal relationships that mediate the emergence and maintenance of segregation, as well as its impact on the functioning of labor markets.

The word "segregation" literally means "separation", "separation". Accordingly, the term "gender segregation" describes the phenomenon associated with the separate existence of individuals belonging to different gender groups in a certain area of ​​human life. As you know, formally sex and gender are not identical concepts, gender segregation is understood as the separation of men and women within certain social, economic and institutional structures.

In the economic sphere, gender segregation is one of the characteristics of the labor market. To define the concept of "gender segregation" in this context, this phenomenon can be considered in two interrelated planes. As a dynamic phenomenon, gender segregation is a trend towards a stable separation of men and women in different areas of activity, i.e. describes a process in which members of each gender, for specific reasons, are engaged in different types of occupations. At the same time, gender segregation describes the current state of the labor market - a situation in which women and men are unevenly distributed between different types of activities. In both cases, we are talking about the features of the gender structure of employment and its change over time.

It is necessary to distinguish between such concepts as "gender segregation" and "gender discrimination". These concepts are not identical, since gender segregation can develop both under the influence of external restrictions (economic, social, institutional) for men and women, and as a result of a free choice of areas and forms of employment, based on existing individual preferences, which is not discrimination. .

There are several forms of manifestation of gender segregation:

1) Industry gender segregation;

2) Occupational segregation.

Speaking about the types of gender segregation, it is customary to single out:

1) Horizontal gender segregation;

2) Vertical gender segregation.

In this paper, we will focus on vertical segregation.

Vertical segregation as a type of gender segregation

Vertical segregation is a low accessibility for women of prestigious professions and positions with a higher level of decision-making and responsibility, and therefore implying a higher level of remuneration.

A synonym for vertical segregation is the concept of "glass ceiling" (glass ceiling) - this is a certain level in the career hierarchy, above which women have practically no opportunity to rise [Maltseva]. Although there are no formal restrictions on taking positions above the glass ceiling, nevertheless, in fact, women cannot advance beyond this barrier.

The glass ceiling problem is typical for many countries, including developed ones. According to an early 2006 Accenture survey of 1,200 top executives in eight countries in North America, Europe and Asia, 70% of respondents and 57% of male respondents reported having glass ceilings. In the United States, Great Britain, Germany, Australia, and Sweden, social norms were more significant barriers to women's career development; in Canada, the Philippines, and Austria, corporate norms.

The "glass ceiling" can be seen as an invisible career barrier both within the intra-company, intra-corporate career pyramid, and within the framework of a professional career, which implies not only career growth within one company, but also includes career advancement and professional status improvement through transfers from one firm to another. In this case, since there is a coherence of internal corporate policies, then the movements from company to company at some point will lead to a collision with the "glass ceiling". That is, for women to continue their professional careers, there will be too few firms in which there are no barriers to further growth.

Illustratively, the glass ceiling model can be depicted as follows:

Figure 1. Glass ceiling model in a career pyramid

A modification of the "glass ceiling" model is the "glass ceiling and glass walls" model. In this case, vertical segregation is complemented by horizontal segregation, and women have less access to professions and activities that subsequently provide significant vertical, career growth. In a situation of "glass ceiling and glass walls", selection occurs even when choosing a vocational education. Women can choose such areas of activity, which then do not imply significant advances. At the industry level, the “glass ceiling and glass walls” model is characterized by the concentration of women in those industries that are less profitable, provide less access to financial and economic resources, and therefore provide less access to power structures. Thus, in the field of culture, health care or social welfare, there are fewer career prospects than in the management and financial sectors. Therefore, in the presence of "glass walls", the limited vertical advancement is already predetermined by the choice of a professional field of activity.

Illustratively, the "glass ceiling and glass walls" model can be depicted as follows:

Figure 2. Glass ceiling and glass walls model

The “sticky floor” phenomenon is closely related to the “glass ceiling”. The concept of "sticky sex" means that women, compared with men, stay longer in the initial positions of the service hierarchy. A faster career start for men subsequently provides them with the necessary professional and managerial experience and, thus, allows them to overtake women in top management positions, i.e. leads to a glass ceiling situation.

Mechanisms for the formation of vertical segregation

Given the different nature of the barriers that arise in career advancement, three mechanisms for the formation of vertical segregation can be distinguished:

1. Barriers to women's career advancement. This type of vertical segregation is a classic manifestation of the "glass ceiling" or a combination of "glass ceiling" and "sticky floor".

2. Differences in career building for women and men. Sticky flooring can also contribute to shaping different career paths. Overexposure of women in the early stages of a career results in different career trajectories. But this is more due to the mechanism of "glass walls". Implicit social stereotypes about what is suitable work for women and for men often contribute to the fact that they are given different tasks, different jobs. For example, in large Japanese companies, when recruiting university graduates, young people are most often hired in the “management branch”, work in which involves complex tasks, great responsibility and unlimited career opportunities. Girls, on the other hand, are mainly recruited into the "branch of clerks", which provides for less responsibility and complexity of the work performed and the possibility of promotion only to lower or local managerial positions.

3. Discrimination against women in employment. The presence of gender discrimination in the labor market can also manifest itself in discrimination in employment. In this case, two outcomes are possible: either women will have a lower likelihood of employment and a longer duration of job search than men, or they will be accepted into jobs with lower wages, worse jobs. In the latter case, women will have the worst career starting positions and hit the glass ceiling as a result.

Reasons for vertical segregation

The glass ceiling phenomenon cannot be explained solely by discrimination or social barriers to women in leadership positions.

Causes of vertical segregation ("glass ceiling"):

1. Difference in human capital, in education. If men are more likely to become leaders, this reflects their greater human capital and higher levels of education.

2. Differences in the structure of education. Although the average level of education among women is higher than that of men, nevertheless, women are more inclined to receive education (for example, humanitarian, pedagogical), which is less in demand in leadership positions.

3. Differences in accumulated experience, seniority. Women, as a rule, have less experience due to breaks in labor activity associated with the birth and upbringing of children.

4. Various characteristics of leadership styles. A situation may arise when there is a greater demand for a “male” management style, when the qualities of an authoritarian, aggressive management style that provide access and capture of strategic resources and protection of property rights to assets are more important.

5. General differences in gender roles. This refers to differences in gender roles outside of work, i.e. in situations where there are no significant differences in human capital, but domestic, family burdens fall more on women, create different opportunities and incentives for career advancement.

6. The social construction of the female gender implies a greater alternative behavior. Women may pursue both business and family pursuits, or a mixed strategy of combining family and work, so they do not necessarily pursue a career.

7. Gender asymmetry of career advancement institutions. The previous period of development of society ensured greater participation of men in business, politics, and decision-making. As a result, business social networks have formed as male networks. Informal communications, working on the principle of “friend or foe”, are built on male interests, male addictions, male lifestyle, so women cannot enter this system, they are identified as strangers and rejected.

The impact of stereotypes on vertical gender segregation

According to R. Anker, there are three groups of stereotypes that affect vertical gender segregation:

1. Positive stereotypes, such as a tendency to care for others, a greater adaptability to doing manual work, and the like, assign to women in the minds of society and employers areas of activity related to care, education, training, and professions that require a developed small motility.

2. Lesser than men's endurance, physical strength, negative attitude to risk, less ability to exact and natural sciences and other characteristics attributed to women are combined into negative stereotypes. They “prescribe” women not to apply for leadership positions, to work in difficult and dangerous conditions, and also not to engage in work that requires logic and concentration.

3. The third group of stereotypes, classified by Anker as others, includes, for example, a higher propensity for women to perform, a lower need for a high income, an increased interest in home work, etc.

Based on ideas about the "natural" differences between men and women, public consciousness forms an idea of ​​how social roles should be distributed between the two sexes. In turn, the stereotyping of consciousness in relation to the division of activities into male and female influences the behavior of both workers of both sexes and employers.

Speaking about stereotypes that support gender inequality, one can also propose another classification of them, which involves the allocation of stereotypes of position and stereotypes of behavior:

1. Position stereotypes are employer stereotypes. The employer perceives women as a less useful work force. It proceeds from the idea that a woman needs to combine work activity with family responsibilities, therefore, to a lesser extent, she can be expected to go beyond labor efforts, focus on career growth, etc. Such an attitude of the employer is undoubtedly discriminatory.

2. A stereotype of behavior is, on the contrary, a stereotype of workers. Since women know that they are treated as less preferred workers, they proceed from the fact that they have no opportunities to compete with men, and choose activities that require less labor effort.

Industry and occupational gender segregation

Gender segregation is manifested in the asymmetric distribution of men and women in various structures: sectoral, professional and official. In this case, horizontal and vertical segregation are usually distinguished. Horizontal segregation is manifested in various professional groups, and vertical segregation among the same professional category. In this case, sectoral and professional segregation can be considered mainly horizontal, and job segregation - vertical segregation.

Statistical data allow us to estimate only sectoral and occupational segregation by sex. At the same time, professional segregation cannot be considered only as horizontal. The distribution across the 10 occupational groups reflects both horizontal and vertical segregation.

Industry segregation. The main area of ​​female employment is the service sector. It employs almost 60% of women, while the share of this sector in the employment of men is less than 30%. The expansion of the service sector in the last third of the 20th century stimulated the growth of women's employment, contributed to the creation of jobs, an increase in the demand for female labor, but at the same time, segregation in the labor market.

We will consider those sectors where the share of women was less than 33% to be considered "male", and those where the share of women is more than 66% - "female". The rest of the industries will be divided into the third category - intermediate industries.

Of the 15 groups of industries identified by Rosstat (formerly Goskomstat), forestry could be considered "male" industries in 1994-2002 (here women make up only 1/5), construction (the share of women during the 9 years under consideration did not exceed 25%), transport (the share of men in this industry was about 75%) and industries grouped under a separate category "other industries".

The highest concentration of women was observed in such sectors as health care, physical culture and social security (the percentage of men in this sector never exceeded 20 in all 9 years), education (women make up about 4/5 in this sector), culture and art ( industry, most of all the other "female" industries approaching the intermediate, since the proportion of women here varied from 67.5 to 72.5%) and finance, credit, insurance (from 1994 to 2002, the percentage of women in this industry decreased from 74 .5 to 69.3).

Industry; wholesale and retail trade, public catering; housing and communal services, non-productive types of consumer services for the population, as well as science and scientific services are classified as intermediate industries. At the same time, if in industry there was a tendency for a gradual decrease in the number of women (by 4.3% from 1994 to 2002), then in the housing and communal services, non-production types of consumer services to the population, on the contrary, their number increased (by 3.9%). And such an industry as wholesale and retail trade, public catering at the very beginning of the period was on the verge of transition to "women's" industries, but by 2001 the share of women in this industry decreased from 65 to 61.5%.

There were also sectors that moved from one category to another in 1994-2002: agriculture, which in 1994-1996 and 1999-2002 was included in the category of intermediate industries, in 1997 and 1998 moved into the category of "male" industries (t .to the proportion of women in these years was approximately 31.7%); communication (this industry has moved from the "women's" industry, which it was in 1994-1995, to the category of intermediate, in addition, the proportion of women in this profession began to steadily decrease and decreased by 7% over 8 years) and management. Perhaps the most significant changes took place in management during this period. If in 1994 this industry was "female" with a share of women equal to 69%, then, starting from 1995, the number of men in it began to noticeably increase. In 1996 and 1997, the number of men and women in this industry became equal, and in 2001, men already slightly outnumbered women. That is, over the entire period, the share of women in this industry decreased by 24.5%.

Such changes in the sectoral structure could be explained by the decrease in the overall share of women employed in the economy. But the evidence suggests that the proportion of women has been more or less stable throughout the period. This means that these changes in the structure of industries are in no way connected with the displacement of women from the sphere of social production into the domestic, private sphere. It turns out that there was a simple "reformation" of industries (women and men moved from one industry to another). Thus, the decrease in the share of women in some industries was offset by an increase in their share in others.

professional segregation. For the analysis of the professional structure, the classification of types of activity was used according to 10 groups of professions (according to the RLMS data): military personnel; leaders; specialists with higher education; specialists with secondary education; office workers; employed in the service sector; skilled agricultural and fishing workers; industrial workers; plant operators and machinists; unskilled workers. It can be immediately noted that in most professional groups there have been only minor changes. That is, the professional groups remained in the same categories ("male", "female" and intermediate) in which they were included. And only some professional groups from one category moved to another.

The "male" occupational groups in 1994-2002 remained the professions of military personnel (in this group, the lowest concentration of women was observed: their share never exceeded 12% over the entire period); skilled agricultural and fishing workers; plant operators and machinists, industrial workers. However, some changes were observed in these professional groups. Thus, compared with 1994, in 2001 there were slightly more women in the professional groups of military personnel and industrial workers, while in the professional group of skilled agricultural workers and workers in the fishing industry, on the contrary, the number of women decreased.

The occupational groups that were "female" all the time from 1994 to 2001 are: clerks and customer service; professionals with secondary education and employed in the service sector. The last group in 1994-1995 was very close to becoming an intermediate group. However, since 1996, it has undoubtedly become "female" (throughout the entire period, the proportion of women in this group varied from 70.2 to 78.8%). In the occupational group of clerks and customer service, the share of women remained at about the same level (on average, the share of women was 90%). As for the group of professionals with a secondary education, the proportion of women here decreased by 7% over seven years.

The professional gender structure of employment is largely consistent with the sectoral structure. Women are more employed not only in service sectors, but also in activities that are more service-related (Fig. 5).

Figure 5. Share of women by occupational groups (according to RLMS data), %

An intermediate occupational group, constantly in this category from 1995 to 2001, is unskilled workers. However, if in 1994-1995 this professional group was rather closer to the "female", in 1996-2001 the shares of men and women in this group began to converge.

In the period under review, there were significant changes associated with the transition to other categories, only in two out of ten professional groups. This is a group of specialists with higher education, which back in 1994 was intermediate, and since 1995 became "female", and a group of managers, which from 1994 to 1996 was "male", and since 1997 the proportion of women in this group has grown so much that this profession has moved into the category of intermediate professions (from 1997 to 2001, the increase in the share of women was 21%). At the same time, it should be noted that the increase in the proportion of women in the professional group of managers occurred mainly due to the subgroup "directors of small enterprises".

In this case, again, the processes of growth / decline in the proportion of women in certain professional groups compensate each other. That is, there is a movement of sexes not only in the sectoral structure, but also in the professional one.

An analysis of the gender structure of employment in the Russian economy allows us to make several observations. First, the distribution of men by occupation is more unequal than that of women. Thus, in the three most common professions among male workers in the period under review, up to 53% of all working men were employed (1994), while the same indicator for women did not exceed 30.13% (2002). However, if there is a tendency for men to gradually disperse into other professions (by 2002, only 44.47% of men had professions from the three most common groups), then among women the level of concentration remains fairly stable and even increases. Let us especially note that the main occupations of women are occupations that require a fairly high level of education (with the exception of the group of professions associated with the sale and provision of services, which, by the way, by 2002 moved from the first to the third position in terms of the proportion of women employed in it). The most common professions among men, on the contrary, are not associated with a high level of education. First of all, they are the professions of skilled and unskilled workers. An exception in this case can be considered the professional group of specialists in the field of natural and applied sciences, which in 1994 was the fourth most popular among men (it employed 7.46% of all working men), but in 2002 it moved to the fifth position.

Secondly, men and women are concentrated in different occupational groups. The most common professions among women in 1994-1998 were sales and service, professions of specialists in the field of education (with a higher education) and other specialists with special education, and in 2002 the second most common among women was the group of sellers and demonstrators (9 .4% of all women versus 6.2% in 1994). Men who worked in all of the listed professions accounted for no more than 12% of the total number of male workers (1998). It should be noted that during the period under review, men increased their presence in these "female" professions: in 1994, the proportion of men working in them was only 8.66%. The main share of men was and remains employed in the professions of drivers and operators of mobile equipment, working professions in the metallurgical, machine-building industries, transport and communications, as well as working professions in the mining and construction industries. The proportion of women employed in these professions did not exceed 6%, and in 1994-2002 it gradually decreased. In other words, changes in the gender structure of employment indicate a certain fixation of women in the professions traditional for their employment, while men noticeably increase their presence in other, including "female" professional groups. The latter is especially noticeable in the example of a group of workers in simple professions selling and providing services, in which the share of employed women is declining, while men, on the contrary, are growing at a rapid pace.

It can be concluded that the most important factor influencing the degree of segregation in the future is not whether women will move into traditionally male sectors such as manufacturing and extractive industries, but whether there will be an increase in the share of men in the service sector. The emerging trends in this direction are not yet sustainable.

Occupational segregation makes a steady contribution to wage differences, but its level remains fairly stable. It is possible that the increase in the gender wage gap was due to the increase in differences in the average levels of wages in "male" and "female" types of employment. That is, "male" activities are becoming even more highly profitable, and "female" - low-income. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that even in "female" activities, men, as a rule, occupy higher positions.

Table 3. The share of women in the total number of employees and the level of wages in sectors of the economy in 1992-2002 (%)

Segregation is strongly associated with wage differences. The higher the share of women in the labor force in an industry, the lower the wages in the industry relative to the average for all industries (Fig. 6). Only two sectors break out of this stable dependence: agriculture and finance, credit, and insurance. In agriculture, men are more employed, but the wages there are very low; in finance, credit insurance, on the contrary, women are more employed, but wages there are very high compared to the average level. At the same time, the employment of men has steadily increased in the financial sector. This well illustrates the mechanism of the formation of gender inequality in the labor market, how the distribution of men and women by type of activity leads to different economic results for them.

Figure 6. Correlation between the share of employment of women in the sector and the level of wages, 2001 (for all sectors except agriculture and finance, credit, insurance).

As soon as an industry or profession, due to favorable economic conditions, becomes highly profitable, male labor flows immediately rush there. On the one hand, employers give them more preference, on the other hand, more highly profitable industries and professions place increased demands on workloads that women are not always able to withstand due to their large family responsibilities. Stereotypes of position and behavior stereotypes work. An example of the operation of the same mechanisms of redistribution in the opposite direction is the increase in the employment of women in the army, among the professional group of the military. As soon as the military activity became low-income and less attractive to men, there began to form a demand for female labor.

10 - For example, heads (representatives) of government and administration at all levels, including heads of institutions, organizations and enterprises; specialists of the highest qualification level; mid-level specialists; employees; workers, etc.
11 - The professional group of other specialists with special education includes such professions common among women as a travel agent, administrative secretary, tax inspector, etc.

Occupational segregation is the term scholars use to describe this split: Women's work has historically been a low-paying, "support" occupation, while men are left with high-paying, prestigious jobs.
The split starts even sooner than you think. “This is clearly visible as early as adolescence, much earlier than is commonly believed,” says Yasemin Besen-Cassino, professor of sociology at Montclair State University and author of The Cost of Living a Girl.

Besen-Cassino says occupational segregation occurs as early as age 14. Boys take on better paid jobs, such as yard work or snow removal, while girls are left with babysitting jobs. In subsequent years, boys tend to move into permanent and minimum wage jobs earlier than girls.

After they go to work, young people still fill different roles - girls are told they are good for working with people, so they are hired as hostesses in restaurants or as saleswomen, consultants and cashiers in stores. These jobs have high requirements for "aesthetic labor" - meaning girls may have more negative experiences with clients.
The latest data from LinkedIn shows that over the course of four decades, some of the professional stereotypes have changed.

Women are slowly making their way into high-paying, long-male-dominated professions such as science, engineering and technology. Industries such as software and IT services, manufacturing and public safety are hiring more women in leadership positions. But experts warn that this does not mean the end of occupational segregation.

According to Nick Eng, Senior Fellow for Economic Development at LinkedIn, women often do all the same "women's" work in these male-dominated fields. For example, women who work in software may not work as engineers. A significant number may be employed in public relations or human resources departments.

But there is a more optimistic view of the gender gap, says Arian Hegewicz, director of research at the Gender Policy Institute. By presenting potential career opportunities for young women, growth opportunities can help contribute to a shift in occupational segregation. For example, telling young women that men make up the majority of the STEM workforce might discourage candidates from even trying to get into the field, but pointing out that the number of women is on the rise might encourage them to pursue a career in the industry instead.

According to www.money.cnn.com