General Rokhlin: life and death. Lev rokhlin - rebel general

Lev Rokhlin's assistant in the DPA Alexander Volkov said: “Three months before the death of Lev Yakovlevich his wife Tamara was kidnapped. Right on the street, they put her in a car and drove her around Moscow, frightened her, saying that her husband's activities were dangerous both for the country and for the Rokhlins' family. Then Tamara Pavlovna was brought to the same place. They were secret service workers. And before that Tamara Pavlovna was in a military hospital. They also worked very closely with her. "

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Today marks the 65th anniversary of the birth of General Lev Rokhlin, hero of the First Chechen War, founder and leader of the Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science, which was rapidly gaining political strength in 1997-1998.

The Hero of Russia (he was awarded this title, but Lev Yakovlevich refused to accept it, stating that “he has no moral right to receive this award for military actions against the citizens of his own country”) survived the war. Although he clearly did not spare himself, and many times his life hung literally by a thread. Once the combined regiment of the 8th Guards Corps under the command of Rokhlin had to withstand 11 attacks in a row by a tenfold enemy!

But Rokhlin's rapid political rise was criminally interrupted: on July 3, 1998, he was killed at his own dacha in the Naro-Fominsk district of the Moscow region. According to the prosecutor's office, the sleeping general was shot from his own award pistol by his wife Tamara. For the reason, they say, a family quarrel. But who can seriously believe that Tamara Pavlovna was capable of this, all her life she followed her husband to the military garrisons with her children, many of which were real hot spots? After the “murder” of her husband, she will spend four years in a pre-trial detention center, her guilt will never be proven, and then, when the DPA will no longer pose a threat to the authorities, the Rokhlin case will be hushed up, and Tamara Pavlovna will be released ...

Well, there was no longer an equivalent replacement for General Rokhlin in the informal post of leader of the real opposition to the authorities. And who, indeed, could compare with him in popularity in the army and patriotic environment? More authoritative generals, namely combat generals, are still unknown in modern Russia. However, the history of this modern Russia provides many examples of how objectionable patriotic leaders, who were a real danger to the authorities, somehow very "accidentally" passed away. Let us recall the recent mysterious death of Viktor Ilyukhin, which "happened" just when the deputy collected dirt on people from the circle of Gorbachev and Yeltsin, who, as he was going to prove, falsified secret state archives in order to "prove" that it was the Soviets who shot Polish prisoners officers at Katyn. By the way, the materials compromising the authorities, collected by Viktor Ilyukhin, disappeared somewhere after his mysterious death. And after the death of General Rokhlin, the materials he had collected on the “uranium deal” with the United States, which he had prepared for presentation to the State Duma and the Federation Council, somehow “strangely” disappeared from his house. Some strange pattern is present in the "accident" with Rokhlin, and in the circumstances of Ilyukhin's death, isn't it?

Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin, according to "Wikipedia.ru", was the youngest of three children in the family of a participant in the Great Patriotic War, political exile Yakov Lvovich Rokhlin. In 1948, 8 months after the birth of his son, Yakov Lvovich was arrested and, apparently, disappeared in the Gulag. Mother, Ksenia Ivanovna Rokhlina (nee Goncharova), raised three children alone.

After 10 years, the Rokhlin family moved to Tashkent. There Rokhlin studied at school, and after graduating from it, he worked at an aircraft plant, then was drafted into the army. In 1970 he graduated from the Tashkent Higher Combined Arms Command School, like all subsequent educational institutions, with honors. Then he served in the group of Soviet troops in Germany. Entered the Academy. Frunze, after graduation he served in the Arctic, as well as in the Leningrad, Turkestan, Transcaucasian military districts.

1982-1984 served in Afghanistan, was twice wounded (the last time - in October 1984), after which he was evacuated to Tashkent. He was the commander of the 860th motorized rifle regiment. In April 1983, he was removed from office for an unsuccessful, in the opinion of the command, military operation and was appointed deputy commander. In less than a year he was reinstated. Then he commanded a regiment, a division. Graduated with honors from the Academy of the General Staff in 1993. Since June 1993 - commander of the Volgograd 8th Guards Army Corps and head of the Volgograd garrison.

From December 1, 1994 to February 1995, he headed the 8th Guards Corps in Chechnya. Under his leadership, a number of areas of Grozny were seized, including the presidential palace. From the title of Hero of Russia awarded to him, as already mentioned, he refused.
On September 3, 1995, at the II congress of the movement "Our Home is Russia", Lev Rokhlin took third place in the list of the People's Democratic Republic. In December 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation on the federal list of the electoral movement Our Home is Russia. In January 1996, he became a member of the Our Home - Russia faction. Was elected chairman of the State Duma Defense Committee. On September 9, 1997, he left the movement "Our Home is Russia", at the end of September he left the NDR faction.

After that, in September 1997, the general created the Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science. The organizing committee of the movement includes the former Minister of Defense Igor Rodionov, the former commander of the Airborne Forces Vladislav Achalov, the ex-head of the KGB Vladimir Kryuchkov.
Lev Rokhlin was probably the most active opposition leader in 1997-1998. The magazine "Russian Reporter" even asserted, citing Rokhlin's colleagues and friends, that the general was preparing a conspiracy to overthrow President Boris Yeltsin and establish a military dictatorship. On May 20, 1998, Rokhlin was removed from the post of chairman of the Defense Committee, and not only pro-government factions, but also the Communist Party faction voted for his removal.

By that time, total surveillance and wiretapping had been established for Rokhlin and his immediate entourage. “This is beyond any doubt,” the former commander of the Airborne Forces, General Vladislav Achalov, told the Russian Reporter, an interview with whom the publication recorded just a few weeks before his unexpected (again “unexpected”!) Death. Lev Rokhlin was really preparing a military coup, the newspaper claims. Lieutenant General and State Duma Deputy Lev Rokhlin developed in 1997-1998. so violent opposition activity that it frightened both the Kremlin and other oppositionists. "We will sweep away these Rokhlins!" - threw in the hearts of Boris Yeltsin, says the publication.

However, not all those who knew Rokhlin well believe that the general was preparing a military coup. General Nikolai Bezborodov believes that “it is unlikely that the officers of the corps (which was formerly commanded by Rokhlin. - Note .. The officers were brought up in obedience to the authorities. The army was brought to such a state that the officers committed suicide, because they could not feed their families. But come out with weapons against the authorities, to carry out a classic military coup ... It's impossible. " "I think he represented social processes in the country in a simplified way."

Be that as it may, even if Rokhlin was preparing a military coup, the authorities had quite legitimate ways to suppress his "subversive" activities. Take at least and arrest. But Rokhlin was "shot" by his own wife in his own house from his own award pistol ...

The general's supporters, who were interviewed by the Russian Reporter, are sure that this is the Kremlin's revenge and an attempt to prevent army demonstrations. Vladislav Achalov directly calls the murder political and says that after Rokhlin's death, burnt corpses were found in the forest: this is how “liquidators, or those people who participated in this operation, were liquidated”.

The then adviser of Rokhlin, Peter Khomyakov, testifies to the same: “The guards were bribed. Three murderers hid in the attic. They killed the general and left the dacha. Then they themselves were liquidated right there, in a forest plantation located 800 meters away. The corpses were doused with gasoline and set on fire. It was 29-degree heat outside. Then, in all seriousness, they said that the corpses had been lying there for two weeks ... A version for idiots! "

Not only during his short life, but also after his death, General Rokhlin attracted the close attention of the people. He went through his life in striving and struggle aimed at improving the quality of life of the whole country. A strong army, developed science, a stable economy - everything for the good of mankind.

Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin was born on June 6, 1947 in Kazakhstan. The mother raised the future general, like his three brothers, alone. Rokhlin's father was detained for political reasons shortly after the birth of his son. In the 10th year of Leo's life, the Rokhlins family moved to Tashkent. It was there that the future famous general spent his youth.

Starting from school, Rokhlin was distinguished by high academic performance and efficiency. This allowed him to receive further education, the future general received at the Higher Combined Arms Command School in Tashkent, and higher at the Academy. Frunze, as well as at the Academy at the General Staff.

Having received a combined-arms qualification, the young officer refused the prescribed leave and immediately went to work. By distribution, he ended up in the group of Soviet troops in East Germany. The service threw Rokhlin from the Arctic to the Turkestan district.

From 1982 to 1984, the future General Rokhlin served in Afghanistan. He began as a regiment commander, but in his second year of service he had a division under his command. He personally took part in battles and was seriously wounded several times. Nevertheless, the command decided that he could not cope with one military operation and, as a result, in 1983 he was removed from his post and appointed deputy commander of a motorized rifle regiment. But for impeccable service in less than a year, the general is restored to his previous position.

Late 1994 - early 1995 served in the Chechen region. He headed a separate corps on the territory of the republic, participated in a number of operations to capture the regions of Grozny and in campaigns organized for negotiations with the militants. Having numerous awards received over the years of service, General Rokhlin refused the title "Hero of the Russian Federation" for participation in the battles in Grozny.

Not stopping at what has been achieved, he begins work on his political career. Already in 1995 he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation. In 1996, General Rokhlin joined Our Home - Russia. This tandem earned him a position in defense.

September 1997 was a turning point in the general's career. He makes the fateful decision to create his own political party. He was one of the strongest opposition leaders of the time, who worried about the fate of the army and the country as a whole. However, the conversations of Rokhlin's colleagues and associates that a coup was being prepared in his person in order to remove the President of Russia Boris Yeltsin from the post, led to the fact that Rokhlin was removed from his post.

On the night of July 3, 1998, the politician died from in a country house located in the Moscow region. The charge was brought against his wife, Tamara, but who killed General Rokhlin is not exactly established.

As a result of lengthy trials, Tamara Rokhlina, who refuses to admit her guilt, was sentenced to 4 years of suspended imprisonment and 2.5 years of probation.

Some facts concerning the life and death of the general remain in question. Whether he wanted to make a coup, who killed L. Ya. Rokhlin and for what purpose - this worries the inhabitants of Russia to this day.

A monument to General Rokhlin has been erected in the Prionezhsky region of the Republic of Karelia. For all the time, he has earned more than one fair award, celebrating his courage and selfless service for the good of his homeland.

On June 6, Lev Rokhlin was supposed to be 65 years old. But, unfortunately, he did not live to see this time. Nevertheless, the memory of him lives on, and his experience of fighting the regime began to gain popularity today.

The future general Lev Rokhlin was born into the family of a political exile, the hero of the Great Patriotic War, Yakov Rokhlin, and was the third child in the family. In 1948, when little Leo was not even a year old, his father was arrested and exiled to the GULAG, where he disappeared. Mother, Ksenia Ivanovna, had to raise three children alone.

After 10 years, the family moved to live in Tashkent, where, after leaving school, Lev went to work at an aircraft factory, and then he was drafted from the ranks of the Soviet army. In 1970, he graduated from the Tashkent Higher Combined Arms Command School, graduating with honors, however, like all other educational institutions. After that, he did military service in Germany, in the group of Soviet troops. After graduating from the Frunze Academy, he served in the Arctic, as well as in the Turkestan, Leningrad and Transcaucasian military districts.

During 1982-1984 he fought in Afghanistan, where he was twice wounded, and then was evacuated to Tashkent. He held the post of commander of a motorized rifle regiment, but in 1983 he was removed from it due to an unsuccessful operation and was appointed deputy commander. But less than a year later, Rokhlin was reinstated in office. After that, he also commanded a regiment and division. In 1993 he graduated with honors from the Academy of the General Staff, and in the same year was appointed commander of the Volgograd 8th Guards Corps and concurrently head of the Volgograd garrison.

In 1994-1995, he was the commander of the 8th Guards Corps in Chechnya. It was under his leadership that a significant number of operations were carried out to seize Grozny, including the presidential palace. Lev Rokhlin is a hero of the first Chechen war. He refused to accept the title of Hero of Russia, arguing that he has no moral right to receive awards for the murders of citizens of his own state. He managed to survive the war in Chechnya, even though countless times his life was in mortal danger. Here is one such example. The combined regiment of his corps, was forced to hold the defense against attacks by ten times superior enemy forces. In total, in this battle, the regiment repulsed 11 attacks in a row.

Rokhlin was not attracted by any career achievements or political activities. He received all his awards and medals not at all for the ability to guess the wishes of his superiors or being in the deep rear. No, he selflessly served his state, took a direct part in hostilities.

The war in Chechnya proved that the Russian army needs protection first of all. But the military general, who was far from the government, did not immediately manage to understand that it was necessary to protect it, first of all, from the authorities. But soon, however, this realization came.

In 1995, the party "Our Home is Russia" decided to use his authority, and then his active political activity began. First, he took third place in the lists of the party "Our Home is Russia", and in December of the same year he was elected a deputy of the State Duma from this party. In January 1996, he became a member of the NDR faction, and was also elected to the post of chairman of the State Duma Defense Committee. It is noteworthy that even during this period of time, being a member of the party and a deputy of the Duma, Rokhlin never campaigned for the party itself. All his speeches were limited to the problems of the army and the state as a whole.

After a short period of time, the general realized that it was the government that was destroying the army, and that it was doing it on purpose. Therefore, in 1997, he first left the movement "Our Home is Russia", and then from the NDR faction.

In the same year, Rokhlin became the organizer of the Movement in Support of the Army, Military Industry and Science, the organizing committee of which included Vladimir Kryuchkov (former head of the KGB), Vladislav Achalov (ex-commander of the Airborne Forces), and Igor Rodionov (former Minister of Defense). This organization was called upon to revive and protect the armed forces of Russia. But it was difficult for the crane to do this under the conditions then existing. The main task of the Movement was reduced to strict observance of the Constitution and the provision of citizens with all the rights and freedoms prescribed in it, as well as the implementation of democratic reforms.

Despite the fact that the DPA acted exclusively as an organization of the army and the military-industrial complex, in fact, this movement turned into a national front, which entered into opposition to the Yeltsin regime. And Rokhlin himself from a simple military general turned into one of the most famous politicians in Russia.

This movement caused a great resonance among the government elite. He was called communist, and Rokhlin himself was called a provocateur who pushes the army towards a military coup.

Rokhlin is rightfully recognized as the most active leader of the opposition forces at the end of the 90s of the last century. There was information that the general was preparing a military coup against the Yeltsin regime. Vladislav Achalov also spoke about this a few weeks before the "sudden" death of the general.

Everyone who supported Rokhlin's candidacy for the post of chairman of the defense committee very soon regretted it. The general from the parliamentary rostrum was not afraid to say that the high military command was mired in corruption, while citing specific facts and giving names. He also publicly accused Boris Yeltsin of being guilty of the collapse of the Russian army and of high treason. Therefore, for such statements, at the end of May 1998, Rokhlin was removed from the post of chairman for defense.

However, the removal from office could in no way affect the general's decisiveness. It should be noted that at that time many famous scientists, Cossacks, leaders of miners' strikes were part of his movement. In addition, he was supported by many ministers and civilians. It is noteworthy that at the same time, under the influence of reflections on the historical fate of Russia, General Rokhlin decided to be baptized.

Organizations that became disillusioned with the policies of the Communist Party began to go over to the side of the DPA. At the same time, the movement was not very popular among the younger generation, since the armed forces were very much discredited by wars and corruption among generals. His organization soon became the backbone of the non-communist opposition. The force factor in it was the military and the Chekists, who were highly organized and had strong ties in the power structures. And if at that time there was a force in the country that could organize and conduct an armed uprising, it was only Rokhlin's party. The general himself came to the conclusion that it would not be possible to overthrow the existing regime by parliamentary methods.

His political activity in 1997-1998 was so active that it caused panic not only in the Kremlin, but also among other opposition forces. But at the same time, not everyone who knew the general closely believed that he was preparing a military coup. So, for example, N. Bezborodov argued that the military could hardly decide on an open rebellion against the authorities, because the old generation of officers was brought up in complete obedience to the authorities. And rather, its representatives may commit suicide due to the inability to feed their families, but never come up with arms in hand against an unwanted regime. According to the same Bezborodov, Rokhlin was an extremely naive person who believed that politics is completely honest and correct.

It was the political career of the rebellious general that caused his death: in early July 1998, Rokhlin was killed at his own dacha in the Moscow region. In the course of the investigation, the prosecutor's office was more and more inclined to the version that the general was killed from his own award weapon by his wife Tamara. The reason for the murder was a family quarrel. But how could one believe that a woman who had trouble-free raising children all her life and followed her husband through the military garrisons was capable of doing such a thing? After her husband was killed, the woman spent four years under investigation in an isolation ward, but her guilt was never proven. Later, when the Rokhlin case lost its relevance, Tamara Pavlovna was released, and the investigation itself was terminated.

In addition to the official version about the involvement of Rokhlin's wife in the murder, there was also a certain number of unofficial ones: political, the involvement of special services. If everything is more or less clear with the version about the political background of the tragedy, then it is necessary to dwell in more detail on the involvement of the special services. There is information that in the past there were special departments in the KGB and the GRU, whose tasks were to directly destroy people who were unfit or dangerous for the authorities.

As for the Rokhlin case, there is strong evidence that there were strangers in the house. Firstly, the proof of the presence of strangers is the front door, which was closed before the murder, and for some reason turned out to be open after. Plus, not far from the general's dacha, three charred bodies were found in a forest belt. According to the testimony of local residents, there was nothing of the kind there the day before. So they appeared in this place after the murder ...

In addition, it is also known that there were two shots, and no one heard anything. The first shot was allegedly fired from a height of two meters from the ground floor. Of course, it can be assumed that Tamara Rokhlina tried to get a pistol from the cabinet, while standing on a chair, and inadvertently shoot. But all the acquaintances say that this could not happen, because the woman was good at handling weapons. And even more ridiculous is the assumption that after the first shot she could go up to the second floor and shoot her husband.

Certain suspicions are also raised by the fact that no fingerprints were found on the pistol, not even of Tamara Pavlovna. But at least the general's own fingerprints should have remained on him ...

Thus, it still remains unclear who is the general's killer? Despite such an array of versions, the investigation could not find evidence and establish the truth. But at the present time it will hardly be possible - after all, not only material evidence has been lost, but the memory of witnesses cannot keep the details of the tragedy for such a long period.

It should also be noted that after Rokhlin, the opposition could no longer find an informal leader equivalent to him. And this is not surprising, since no one else had such popularity among the military and civilian population. And there are no more military generals in Russia who would enjoy real authority among the civilian population.

The death of Rokhlin is another vivid example of how easily and with impunity one can get rid of opposition leaders who are unwanted or pose a threat to the authorities. Another similar example is the death of Viktor Ilyukhin, when it happened “by accident” exactly at the time when he had in his hands incriminating information about representatives of the closest circle of Gorbachev and Yeltsin. By their order, data was fabricated that it was the Soviet troops who were responsible for the mass executions of Polish prisoners of war near Katyn. After Ilyukhin died, all the materials he collected also disappeared. It is noteworthy that after the death of General Rokhlin, information about the "uranium deal" with America, which he was going to present to the State Duma, also disappeared from his house.

Somehow, by itself, a certain pattern is noticed in these two tragic cases ...

The fate of General Rokhlin should become an example for those pseudo-patriots who are engaged in the development of populist ideas regarding the emergence of a large number of enemies of Russia, without taking any concrete steps. Combat General Lev Rokhlin gave his life for the country and its armed forces. Do not forget what he managed to do for Russia, but try to multiply this and bring to life everything that the rebellious general fought for and gave his life for.

"We should have arrested the president"
Military coup: unknown details of Rokhlin's conspiracy

On July 20, 1998, Boris Yeltsin was to be arrested - power in the country would have passed to the military. Two weeks before this, the organizer of the conspiracy, General Lev Rokhlin, was found murdered at his own dacha. Thirteen years after the failed coup, "RR" spoke with the participants and witnesses of the conspiracy and recreated the picture of the proposed change of power.

To be honest, I wasn’t conspiring too much. I thought everyone was in favor. And who could be against something? To the Kremlin regiment, damn it, right through the Spasskaya tower with two suitcases full of locks, the Persia could barely close - such suitcases! - Retired Colonel Nikolai Batalov jumps up from his chair, spreads his arms to the sides, and you understand: the suitcases were really huge, and there really were a lot of locks in them. And the Kremlin regiment needed them because they have carbines without bolts, not combat ones.

Now Batalov works as director of "general issues" of one of the chemical plants in the Volgograd region. At that time, he was first deputy commander of the 8th Army Corps, and then headed the regional branch of the Movement in Support of the Army. And he was admitted to almost all the details of the plan to seize power. He can talk about this completely freely, because no criminal case has been opened on those events, there was no official conspiracy. And what exactly he carried in his suitcases through the Spasskaya Tower is no longer interesting to any investigator.

And so, I have these suitcases of bolts, and another comrade has a lot of cartridges, - continues Batalov. - Gone, left. Prepared ... But we were done for suckers! We were no conspirators. On this and burned out.

By that time, total surveillance and wiretapping had been established for Rokhlin and his immediate entourage - this is beyond any doubt. That is, everyone knew what he was preparing ... - the former commander of the Airborne Forces, General Vladislav Achalov, told RR, an interview with whom we recorded just a few weeks before his unexpected death.

Rebel general

Lev Rokhlin was indeed preparing a military coup. This was, perhaps, the only precedent in the entire post-Soviet history of what could be called a "real military conspiracy." And if we take a broader view, then throughout the entire Russian history after the Decembrist uprising. Indeed, over the past two centuries since then, in all revolutions, coups, rebellions, the army, if it played any role, it was the role of an extra.

Lieutenant General and State Duma Deputy Lev Rokhlin, who at one time renounced the title of Hero of Russia for the "civil war in Chechnya", developed such a violent opposition activity in 1997-1998 that he frightened the Kremlin and other oppositionists. "We will sweep away these Rokhlins!" - Boris Yeltsin threw in the hearts, and the deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation contributed to the removal of the rebel from the post of head of the parliamentary defense committee.

The military general who stormed Grozny in the first Chechen campaign ended up in the State Duma on the lists of the quite official movement “Our Home is Russia”. But he quickly parted with the weak party of power in his views (Rokhlin, the head of the People's Democratic Republic of Russia, Chernomyrdin, in the circle of his comrades-in-arms, called nothing but a "spider"), left the faction and created the Movement in support of the army, defense industry and military science (DPA).

The organizing committee of the movement included former Defense Minister Igor Rodionov, former Airborne Forces commander Vladislav Achalov, ex-KGB head Vladimir Kryuchkov and a number of no less remarkable retirees with noticeable influence and connections among the security forces.

Then there were trips to the regions, a personal plane helpfully provided by one of the leaders of the military-industrial complex, meetings with governors, rooms packed to capacity in large cities and the most remote military garrisons.

Rokhlin and I were on several business trips - to Kazan and other places, - recalled General Achalov, - I heard speeches, saw how they perceive him. He expressed himself extremely harshly. Hearing such a thing today from a federal deputy is unthinkable. And then everyone was afraid of him - not only the Kremlin, but also the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party ...

There were moments when we gathered in a very narrow circle at his dacha, there were literally five or six people, - continued Achalov. - Of course, initially there were no plans for an armed seizure of power, an armed uprising. But then the life situation pushed me to this. Because the leapfrog in the state was gaining momentum, it grew just catastrophically. Do you remember 1998? Since spring, the boy Kiriyenko has been the prime minister, and in August there was a default. So just imagine what would have happened if Rokhlin had not been killed in July. The option of involving the army was not at all excluded.

Achalov did not talk about any additional details. Dropping, however, that Rokhlin "could rely on the Volgograd 8th corps in any matters." Rokhlin commanded this corps since 1993. With him he went through the "first Chechen". And even when he became a deputy, he paid special attention to him: he regularly met with officers, personally oversaw the issues of rearmament and equipment of the corps, turning it into one of the most efficient formations.

Two years after Rokhlin's death, I talked with the officers of this Volgograd corps, they told me something, and, based on these stories, something could really work out there, - the head of the "Union of Officers" Stanislav Terekhov assures us, too. being part of Rokhlin's entourage.

Coup Plan: Army

It means you want details, ”Colonel Batalov looks at me thoughtfully.

Early morning, we are sitting in the bar of the Volgograd hotel. I insist that almost a decade and a half have passed, all the statutes of limitations have passed, and a lot can be talked about openly. Finally the colonel agrees:

Good. How was this event planned? They wanted a forceful seizure of power. Power! There was not even a conversation about any "protest events" there. This is not serious. Here, in the center of Volgograd, on the Square of the Fallen Fighters and the Renaissance Square, it was planned to withdraw the forces of the corps.

Literally like the Decembrists on the Senate? - I clarify.

Right. But Yeltsin here did not have the forces that Nicholas I had in St. Petersburg, who shot the rebels with canister. Apart from the corps, there were no forces whatsoever. Well, a brigade of internal troops in Kalach. Another convoy battalion. And there would be no one to stop us if we really went out.

After the performance of the corps, a notification is made to other army units. We would be supported in many different places. I don't know the whole scheme. I speak for what I know. Here is the Kremlin regiment, the guard regiment, it was in half: part of the command for Rokhlin, part for the president. This regiment would not have been able to interfere with us, even if we came straight to the Kremlin. The main reserve command post of the armed forces was simply bought - they gave money to whoever needed it, good money, and he says: “That's it, at this time the guards will be removed. I will leave, and here is your connection with the whole world. " And with the country - there is nothing to say, with all the army structures. We have two transport aircraft, for example, in the Pacific Fleet, marines, two battalions, spent two or three days at the airfield.

What for? To fly to Moscow?

Yes! And the same goes for the Black Sea Fleet. A brigade of marines stood ready in Sevastopol. Naturally, the Ryazan Higher School of the Airborne Forces. The internship was canceled for the cadets. They were somewhere at the test sites, but by a certain point they were returned to Ryazan. Because Ryazan is two hundred kilometers from Moscow. The school was one hundred percent for us. And there was an agreement with the leadership of the Taman and Kantemirovsk divisions that at least they would not oppose us.

Coup Plan: Citizen

It was a solid system project that met all the requirements of what science calls “systems engineering of projects”, - the former adviser of Rokhlin, Peter Khomyakov, provides the scientific basis for the failed coup. - There are classic works on this score. The same Jenkins. The core of the project in this case is the military actions of force. And the environment for implementation is massive protest actions, information actions, local political support, economic support. And even outside support. Based on this, we analyzed the flow of goods in the capital. And the presence of powerful, active strike committees in settlements along these routes. It was planned that on the eve of the army's action, the strikers allegedly spontaneously block the routes along which some goods were delivered to Moscow, the absence of which would cause social tension. For example, cigarettes. Lack of smoking would have heated up the situation in Moscow, there would have been an increase in negative sentiments.

How did you know all these routes?

Yes, from the Moscow mayor's office! Luzhkov was a direct participant in Rokhlin's project. By the way, on the day of the general's assassination, a meeting between Rokhlin and Luzhkov was scheduled at 11 o'clock in the morning to clarify some details. Moscow media, on Luzhkov's command, would blame the Kremlin for the tobacco crisis.

In Rokhlin's team, Khomyakov was responsible for developing mechanisms for socio-economic support for army actions. At the same time he was a political commentator for RIA Novosti, and also a doctor of technical sciences, a professor at the Institute for System Analysis of the Russian Academy of Sciences. RR found him in Georgia: in 2006 he joined the Russian dwarf ultranationalist organization Northern Brotherhood, and after the head of the Brotherhood, Anton Mukhachev, was arrested, fled to Ukraine, where he asked for political asylum, and from there to Georgia.

In parallel with the creation of a shortage of goods, mass demonstrations were planned.

Everything was scheduled. Who from which region is responsible for what after arriving in Moscow. Bridges, train stations, telegraphs. It is not difficult to paralyze the work of the apparatus, - says Nikolai Batalov. - Ten people came and turned off the substation - that's all, there is no connection. And the rest is the same. They came, announced on TV: "Yeltsin has been overthrown, retired - this is his abdication." And what? He had a soldering iron in there ... - he would definitely sign a renunciation. And GKChP are idiots, forgive the expression, who were shaking and did not know what they wanted. We clearly knew what we want and what needs to be done. Fifteen thousand - twenty people in one day would have come to Moscow only from Volgograd. This would be enough to paralyze the activities of all government institutions. Personally, I had to bring fifteen hundred. I already had a schedule: some by trains, some by buses.

Where did the money come from?

Rokhlin gave it. Once he says: "For 24 thousand dollars - this is for the costs associated with the nomination of the people." Although many helped from a pure heart. For example, the head of the railway depot, when I came to him to ask for help - to transport people to Moscow, - said: "We will pick up a couple of carriages to a passenger train, fill it with people." Buses were parked, refrigerated trucks with food. The director of one of the factories told me: “Here is a connected refrigerator, completely filled with stew. This is all from my factory, everything is purchased. The second refrigerator - the food is different for you. " And, for example, the mayor of Volzhsky said: "I'll give forty buses." Well, forty did not work out - he had to give about fifteen buses. Yevgeny Ishchenko was our mayor at one time, then he was imprisoned under a far-fetched pretext. I met with him in 1998, I said: “We need to help a little - change people the same way”. He bought with his own money, I don’t know, five thousand sets of uniforms. I went by car - I have an eight, a Zhigul - I conducted reconnaissance of the route: where to stand, where to refuel. On the way, I watched where the gas stations and oil depots were. I even prepared special receipts - that when we take power, we will return the money - as much as the diesel fuel was poured ...

Where did Lev Rokhlin get financial support from? Apparently, indeed, from the enterprises of the military-industrial complex close to him, which then suffered from the curtailment of the state defense order.

Rokhlin had a very clear program for supporting the production business, in the development of which I and my colleagues from the Institute for Systems Analysis of the Russian Academy of Sciences took part - I actively consulted with them, - says Petr Khomyakov. - So the industrial businessmen supported the general and in every possible way secretly assisted him. So, most of the strikes of that period were organized by them themselves, of course, without advertising it, and coordinated with the general the time and place of these strikes. On the May holidays in 1998, a series of performances under the flags of the Movement in Support of the Army took place. It was also a probe of the army environment - how the current officers of different units support the events, how the command of these units relates to this. Everything has been checked. As a result, the march of army units to Moscow would be politically triumphant. And each advanced regiment near Moscow would turn into a division with the support of columns of literally hundreds of thousands of strikers.

External support had to come from the West. Of course, not from NATO, but from Alexander Lukashenko.

I myself did not participate in organizing this event, but I know from other team members that there was a secret meeting between General Rokhlin and Lukashenko in the forest on the border with Belarus, says Khomyakov. - You know, it's interesting: when Lukashenko gave a press conference at RIA Novosti and walked into the hall, Rokhlin stood in the aisle, letting Alexander Grigorievich pass. They didn't say hello. But they exchanged such meaningful glances! This was understandable only for themselves and for those who were in the subject and stood nearby. Then, when some stubborn journalists said that they greeted, the general smiled and replied: “What are you ?! But we do not know each other. We stood two meters apart and didn't say a word to each other. "

Unsuccessful rehearsal

The first attempt at speech was scheduled for the twentieth of June. Lev Rokhlin then once again came to Volgograd.

After the bathhouse, we discussed the whole matter, in the morning the commanders parted, and at four in the morning everything here began to hum: we were blocked by a brigade of internal troops. The one from Kalach, - recalls Nikolai Batalov. - I rush to Lev Yakovlevich, I say: “So and so, what to do? They've covered us. " But they didn't know where the command post was. The command post has already entered the field, there are twenty cars, communications and everything else. Rokhlin says: “Let's return everything to its original source. And I'm going to Moscow. Nothing will work out - they will tie everyone up. " The event had to be postponed. He did not live for two weeks ... I was in the eight - I put Lev Yakovlevich in prison and drove him to Moscow, right to the State Duma. He made it to the meeting and there he said: “I don’t know anything, they say.” While he was alive, he covered us. And then they summoned me to the FSB. But I had left the post of deputy corps commander by that time and only headed the department of the DPA. And the officers were joked. Someone was immediately fired, someone was transferred. I was allowed to listen to our entire conversation in this bathhouse.

Have you been contacted?

Yes. All of them, in general, knew. When Rokhlin was talking directly to someone in the steam room, they did not have these records. We went there one by one. It's hot - the equipment, apparently, did not work. And in the hall they heard everything ...

After the incident, the illustrious corps was disbanded. As demonstratively as his officers were going to threaten the capital. In the museum of the Battle of Stalingrad, we could not find the corps banner that was originally displayed there. It turned out that he had been asked to go to Moscow, to the Central Museum of the Armed Forces, and handed over to the znamenny archive. So that nothing in Volgograd reminds of the building.

Kazantsev (Viktor Kazantsev, at that time the commander of the North Caucasian Military District - "RR") then personally said to me: "Putchist, you will not serve with me, go to Transbaikalia," recalls the former head of communications of the 8th corps Victor Nikiforov.

He is one of those who were suspected of involvement in the preparation of the rebellion. Although Nikiforov himself now denies this.

Once Lev Yakovlevich flew here, they arranged, as usual, officers' gatherings, - he says. - We drank. I was not there, unfortunately. And then hotheads began: "Why is Moscow there, we will crush it, the people will rise!" Fighting mood after Chechnya. And there was Rokhlin's careless statement that "the divisions are all with us, and the aviation will support." People were just sitting at the table in the kitchen, drinking. And the guys from the KGB-FSB listened to them. And then Rokhlin dropped: "Nikiforov has everything, he has warehouses, equipment." And I have really good zonal equipment, a workshop, a warehouse. Not to take Moscow, but to defend the homeland. I was not at that meeting! And all the same, they dragged him to the FSB, and a year later they kicked him out of the army. Only because Rokhlin pronounced my name once.

Viktor Nikiforov's words can be interpreted in different ways. One can assume that he nevertheless participated in the conspiracy, but even now, after 13 years, he is afraid to admit it. Or you can believe him, and then it turns out that General Rokhlin did not fully understand whose support he had and whose support he did not, and became a hostage of his own inner circle, which assured him that the army supported his actions unconditionally. In any case, the chances of conspirators no longer seem so obvious.

Unfortunately, Rokhlin set himself up as an inexperienced politician. Let's be frank, somewhat straightforward, - recalls the leader of the "Union of Officers" Stanislav Terekhov. - I am also straightforward, but I feel where there is a traitor, I feel it in my gut. Rokhlin either felt or not, but there were too many strangers around him.

After the failure of the first coup attempt, a second, decisive performance was scheduled for 20 July. And on July 3, Lev Rokhlin was shot.

Russian Salvation Committee

Did the conspirators have a realistic plan of action in case of victory? Yes and no. But they imagined the first organizational steps.

From the point of view of political realities, a certain transitional period was envisaged. Military revolutionary dictatorship! - Pyotr Khomyakov is extremely frank. - But Lev Yakovlevich did not want to drag out this period at all. An immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly was planned. And then full-fledged competitive elections. There was no doubt that he and his team would have won these elections quite honestly.

The transitional government was supposed to have five people, says Nikolai Batalov. - I am a military man, and for me it is super-democratic. But I don’t know who these five are.

Well, Rokhlin was supposed to be among them?

No, no, one hundred percent! He did not want to be in the supreme power. Neither a dictator nor a ruler. Nobody. He is a tool, he performs a task - he overthrows Yeltsin and his clique.

And five people come to power - the Committee for the Salvation of Russia. Everyone is equal. There is no chairman. In the regions, through the structures of the DPA, the institutions of “watching over the authorities” are being created. The executive branch, the legislative branch, the army, the police, and everything else are locked in on them. For example, I was supposed to be such an “overseer” in the Volgograd region. Immediately, the lieutenant general would receive: his own power! If he wanted to, he would hang the Colonel-General for himself. So there was something to fight for. But this is me, figuratively.

According to Batalov, the conspirators were concerned about even such a seemingly secondary issue as preventing anarchy and chaos after the coup:

We even thought, no matter how riots happened - how we can prevent this. You never know what? You have crushed something somewhere, and the crowd will go on smashing. Who needs it? We didn't want that.

Conspiracy shot

On July 3, 1998, Rokhlin was killed at his own dacha in the village of Klokovo, Moscow Region. The prosecutor's office claimed that his wife Tamara shot the sleeping general from a premium pistol. The reason is a family quarrel.

The general's supporters are confident that this is the Kremlin's revenge and an attempt to prevent army uprisings. Vladislav Achalov directly calls the murder “political”, says that after Rokhlin’s death, “burnt corpses” were found in the forest - this is how “liquidators or those people who participated in this operation were liquidated”. Pyotr Khomyakov testifies to the same:

The guards were bribed. Three murderers hid in the attic. They killed the general and left the dacha. Then they themselves were liquidated right there in a forest plantation located 800 meters away. The corpses were doused with gasoline and set on fire. It was 29-degree heat outside. Then, in all seriousness, they said that the corpses had been there for two weeks. Version for idiots!

Colonel Batalov - he was at the dacha on the eve of the murder and returned there in the morning after it - is more restrained and confident that “Tamara Pavlovna, most likely, killed”, but at the same time it is stipulated that “she is not a murderer, just a murder weapon. She spent three months in the hospital, brainwashed. They could have injected her with something, treated her, so she shot her husband. "

In the end, the Rokhlina case was released on the brakes. In 2005, the European Court of Human Rights upheld the complaint of the general's widow for a lengthy trial in court, noting that the length of the trial, which is more than six years, constitutes a violation of the European Convention on Human Rights in terms of "the right to a fair trial within a reasonable time." ... After that, the Naro-Fominsk court sentenced Rokhlina to four years in prison, but included in this period the detention in a pre-trial detention center. Rokhlina was free and did not challenge the verdict. Thus, a status quo that is convenient for everyone and remains to this day was fixed. Law enforcement officers no longer pursue the general's widow, but they are not looking for other murderers either.

The main thing for me is that Tamara Pavlovna is free, - explains Rokhlina's lawyer Anatoly Kucherena to RR. - Everything else is not so important now ...

The investigation into the failed coup also ended in nothing. Nobody was charged. Everything was limited to the purge of the officers' ranks and the disbandment of the 8th Army Corps.

List of cities visited by Rokhlin in summer-autumn 1997

Vladimir
21.07.1997

Nizhny Novgorod
24.07.1997

Ryazan
28.07.1997

Pskov
31.07.1997

Tula
03.08.1997
"Our immediate task is to change the political course of the state."

Maykop
08.08.1997

Volgograd
15.08.1997

Kirov
22.08.1997

Izhevsk
23.08.1997

Murmansk
25.08.1997

Permian
25.08.1997

Chelyabinsk
27.08.1997

Saransk
31.08.1997
"We need a velvet revolution, we must prepare the people for there to be no blood."

Bryansk
31.08.1997

Yoshkar-Ola
01.09.1997
"In this country, nothing can be fixed in the presence of those people who are now in power, who are plundering the country."

Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin(June 6, 1947, Aralsk - July 3, 1998, Naro-Fominsk district, Moscow region) - Russian political and military leader, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 2nd convocation, chairman of the State Duma Defense Committee (1996-1997), general lieutenant.

Biography

Born as the youngest of three children in the family of a participant in the Great Patriotic War, political exile Yakov Lvovich Rokhlin. In 1948, 8 months after the birth of his son, Yakov Lvovich was arrested and, apparently, disappeared in the Gulag. Mother, Ksenia Ivanovna Rokhlina (nee Goncharova), raised three children alone.

After 10 years, the Rokhlin family moved to Tashkent. There Rokhlin studied at school number 9 in the Old City, on Sheikhantakhur. After graduating from school, he worked at an aircraft plant, then was drafted into the army.

In 1970 he graduated from the Tashkent Higher Combined Arms Command School, like all subsequent educational institutions, with honors. Then he served in the group of Soviet troops in Germany, the city of Wurzen, 242 mr 20 guards. mfd. Entered the Academy. Frunze, after graduation he served in the Arctic, as well as in the Leningrad, Turkestan, Transcaucasian military districts.

In the war in Afghanistan

In 1982-1984 he served in Afghanistan, was wounded twice (the last time - in October 1984, after which he was evacuated to Tashkent). He was the commander of the 860th motorized rifle regiment. In April 1983, Rokhlin was removed from office for an unsuccessful, in the opinion of the command, military operation, and was appointed deputy commander.

Less than a year later, Rokhlin was reinstated in office. Then he commanded a regiment, a division. Graduated with honors from the Academy of the General Staff in 1993. Since June 1993, he was the commander of the Volgograd 8th Guards Army Corps and the head of the Volgograd garrison.

In the war in Chechnya

From December 1, 1994 to February 1995, he headed the 8th Guards Corps in Chechnya. Under his leadership, a number of areas of Grozny were seized, including the presidential palace. On January 17, 1995, Generals Lev Rokhlin and Ivan Babichev were appointed by the military command for contacts with the Chechen field commanders with the aim of a ceasefire.

For participation in the Chechen campaign, he was nominated for the highest honorary title of Hero of the Russian Federation, but refused to accept this title, stating that "he has no moral right to receive this award for military actions on the territory of his own country."

Political activity

September 3, 1995 at the II congress of the movement "Our Home - Russia" Lev Rokhlin took third place in the list of the NDR. In December 1995, Lev Rokhlin was elected a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 2nd convocation on the federal list of the electoral movement "Our Home is Russia". In January 1996 Lev Rokhlin became a member of the faction "Our Home - Russia". Was elected chairman of the State Duma Defense Committee.

On September 9, 1997, he left the movement "Our Home is Russia", at the end of September he left the NDR faction.

After that, in September 1997, the general creates his own political movement: "Movement in support of the army, defense industry and military science" (DPA). The organizing committee of the movement includes the former Minister of Defense Igor Rodionov, the former commander of the Airborne Forces Vladislav Achalov, the ex-head of the KGB Vladimir Kryuchkov.

He is considered one of the most active opposition leaders in 1997-1998. The magazine "Russian Reporter" stated, with reference to colleagues and friends Rokhlina that the general was preparing a conspiracy to overthrow the President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin and the establishment of a military dictatorship.

On May 20, 1998, he was removed from his post as chairman of the Defense Committee, and not only pro-government factions voted for his removal. but also the Communist Party faction.

Murder

On the night of July 2 to July 3, 1998, he was found murdered at his own dacha in the village of Klokovo, Naro-Fominsk District, Moscow Region. According to the official version, his wife, Tamara Rokhlina, shot at the sleeping Rokhlin, the reason was a family quarrel.

In November 2000, the Naro-Fominsk City Court found Tamara Rokhlina guilty of the premeditated murder of her husband. Tamara Rokhlina appealed to the ECHR, complaining about the lengthy pre-trial detention and the protracted trial. The complaint was upheld, with an award of pecuniary compensation (EUR 8,000). After a new consideration of the case, on November 29, 2005, the Naro-Fominsk City Court again found Rokhlina guilty of her husband's murder and sentenced her to four years' suspended imprisonment, also assigning her a probationary period of 2.5 years.

During the investigation of the murder in a forest belt near the crime scene, three charred corpses were found. According to the official version, their death occurred shortly before the general's assassination. However, many of Rokhlin's associates believed that they were real murderers who were eliminated by the Kremlin's special services, "covering their tracks."

Buried at the Troekurovsky cemetery

Awards

He was awarded the Order of the Red Banner, two Orders of the Red Star (including for participation in the Afghan war), the Order For Service to the Motherland in the Armed Forces of the USSR, 3rd degree, medals, as well as Afghan awards: the Order of the Red Banner and a medal. According to the journalists of the Vlast newspaper, Lieutenant General L. Ya. Rokhlin was nominated for the title of Hero of the Russian Federation for his participation in the Chechen campaign, but refused to accept this title, stating that he had no moral right to receive this award for military actions on the territory of their own country.

Memory

In the village of Vilga, Prionezhsky district of the Republic of Karelia, there is Lev Rokhlin street. A memorial plaque has been installed on the house number 1 on this street to Lev Rokhlin.

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Jewish sword of Russia

Lev Rokhlin In the spring of 1964, the echelon of my battalion unloaded at the Aral Sea station. Having built a column, I led her to the military town "Aralsk-5". It was located south of Aralsk itself, so I had to go through the city. The regional center of Kizil - Orda region, Aralsk made a depressing impression. Dusty gray huts, unpaved roads, almost complete absence of greenery. Rare dull pedestrians, also some kind of gray. We drove up to the gates of the military town and, as they say, they turned us around. They were allowed to set up camp on a vacant lot a couple of kilometers away.

It turned out that Aralsk-5 is the mysterious "Ural" - a closed center for testing bacteriological weapons, which one had heard about. Actually, the tests were carried out on the island of Vozrozhdenie, in the middle of the Aral Sea, where the bird doesn’t come - they will be shot down on the fly. And there was no smell of the sea here - it became shallow and went for fifty kilometers. And Aralsk, a former port and fishing center, became a small town on the edge of Kizil-Kumov. What did its inhabitants do? Before the degradation of the Aral Sea, which occurred in the second half of the 20th century, the main occupation was fishing and fish processing. And then, of course, they did not prosper.

According to the officers from the "Ural", it was difficult to find a family in Aralsk with a more or less decent income. A few days later we moved across the desert in the direction of the Caspian Sea. And the impression I have of Aralsk is the most unattractive, perhaps. I did not know at that time that a boy was born here, who in a few decades will become famous, as they say, to the city and the world. By the way, there is still no clarity in the circumstances of his birth. And even the seemingly hundredfold verified data in the officer's "Personal file" are still far from reality. In general terms, they read: Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin was born on June 6, 1947 in Aralsk. He was the third child in the family - elder brother Vyacheslav and sister Lydia.

8 months after the birth of his son, his father, a Jew by nationality, left his family, and Leo was brought up by his mother Ksenia Ivanovna (nee Goncharova). Everything. Who was this father, how he ended up in Aralsk, where did he go later - not a word about this in the personal data and numerous journalistic materials. Meanwhile, there are the memoirs of Grigory Alexandrovich Pustynnikov, now an Israeli.

Actually, his surname is Pustylnik, and his name and patronymic is Gedaliy Abramovich.

In October 1941, the division in which he fought was surrounded, and most of it was captured. On the very first day, the Germans, having lined up the prisoners, ordered the Communists and Jews to break down. They were shot right there in front of everyone. Gedaliy, a tall, blue-eyed youth, outwardly unlike a Jew, remained in the ranks. He escaped death by giving a new surname, first name and patronymic. Nobody gave him away.

In July 1944, Grigory and several other prisoners managed to escape to the partisans. And in April 1945 he returned to his native Odessa. But he did not feel much joy: all the former prisoners were put in the camp behind barbed wire to be checked by the SMERSH authorities. There he met Victory Day, and in July he was sent to a testing and filtration camp in Kyrgyzstan, to uranium mines in the village of Mailisu.

He was lucky: he was assigned to work not in the mine, but in the department of the chief mechanic for the installation of diesel power plants, in his pre-war specialty. The campers lived in adobe barracks, 500 people in each, slept on two-story bunks with cotton mattresses infested with bedbugs. Those who worked in the mine were often sick, wither and die. No one knew what the comrades were dying from: either from hard work, or from malnutrition, they fed here almost as if in captivity. In fact, they died from radiation: uranium ore was mined in Mailis, from which, by the way, the charge for the first atomic bomb was made.

Yasha Rokhlin from Kazakhstan ended up in the camp. They became friends and soon learned everything about each other. Yasha Rokhlin was especially close to him. In captivity, he, who was fluent in the Tatar language, called himself Yakub Rakhmatullin. This explained the circumcision, and his appearance was atypical for a Jew. He told Grigory that he was married, had a son and a daughter, whom he yearned for, and if he was destined to survive, he would go to Kazakhstan. Rokhlin worked in a mine and once, in a conversation with Grigory, admitted that he could barely keep his feet and asked to put in a word for him to his superiors - maybe they would be transferred to ground work, otherwise he would die. Grigory succeeded in this, and Yakov was transferred to the kitchen as an auxiliary, he began to recover.

In 1946, first Grigory and then Yakov were released and they parted. Grigory, having learned that the Germans had shot his parents, went to visit his relatives in Moscow, and Yakov, as he had intended, to Kazakhstan. Somehow in the 90s, Grigory came across a portrait of General Rokhlin. I looked and saw in him his friend, Yakov, - one face! And when it turned out that Lev Rokhlin was born in 1947 in Kazakhstan, he assumed that he was the son of Yakov.

According to the latest research, Yakov L. Rokhlin, born in 1920 in Kiev, graduated from Kiev University, a linguist, was arrested in 1933 on charges of anti-Soviet propaganda and, after serving 3 years in prison, was exiled to Aralsk. He worked there as a teacher, married a local native. They had two children, a son and a daughter.

In 1942 Jacob was drafted into the army, fought as an ordinary Red Army soldier and in 1943 was captured. His further fate fully coincides with the memories of Grigory Pustylnik. Returning to the Aral Sea, Yakov found his family in the same hut, where he left, leaving for the front. He was not accepted for his previous job at the school, and he moved to a fishing artel. In 1947, a second son was born, named after his grandfather, as it should be according to Jewish traditions. However, Yakov did not have to live a peaceful life; in 1948 he was arrested and, apparently, disappeared in the Gulag.

About 10 years later, the mother's relatives helped the Rokhlin family move to Tashkent. There Leva studied at school number 9 in the Old City, on Shahantaur. After graduating from school, he worked at an aircraft plant, was drafted into the army and, following the example of his older brother, entered the Tashkent military school. As you understand, Lev Rokhlin hid the fate of his father - or maybe he did not know when he entered this school in 1967.

His older brother Vyacheslav probably did the same. Otherwise, they would not have seen the lieutenant's shoulder straps. They were recorded by Russians, they did not know their father, a Jew, and even such an origin at that time was not suitable for normal career advancement. A curious detail, Rokhlin's elder brother in the 80s served as the head of the political department at the same Tashkent school, then he was the chief of staff of the Republic's Civil Defense. And when I saw him, I was struck by the resemblance to my younger brother. He smiled and said: “Yes, we are very similar, although not twins. And both are one face with the portrait of their father. " We agreed to meet and talk about their family. But he soon fell seriously ill and died. Lev studied excellently and graduated from college in the first category.

I could very well get to know him, because in 1970 I served at the headquarters of the Turkestan military district and then was sent to the graduation ceremony of officers from the Tashkent school, as a representative of the headquarters. A whole battalion was graduated, but in the first category - less than ten cadets, and they were the first to receive honors. Among them, of course, was Leo. By then, he had been married for almost two years. His wife, Tamara, was a nurse. Rokhlin was sent to the Group of Forces in the GDR, and after 4 years he entered the Frunze Academy. Frankly, this rarely happened, apparently, Lev was an outstanding junior officer. He graduated from the Academy in 1977 and also in the first category. Then he served in the Arctic, in other places, and in 1982 ended up in the "Afghan war".

He commanded the 860th motorized rifle regiment, stationed east of Faizabad. He participated in many military operations. He was distinguished by decisiveness, courage and resourcefulness. However, in April 1983 he was removed from his post as regiment commander and sent down to another regiment. The battalion of his regiment fell into a trap set by the Mujahideen in a mountain gorge. And then the regiment commander decided not to continue the battle in unfavorable conditions for himself, in order to save people, ordered to blow up the blocked vehicles and retreat. As a result, the battalion suffered minor losses, but Rokhlin was demoted and became deputy commander of the 191st separate motorized rifle regiment. And in this regiment he fought with dignity.

In January 1984, his commander was put on trial. He, leaving his subordinates to death, fled by helicopter from the regiment's command post surrounded by the rebels. Rokhlin took command and took the command post out of the ring. He again became the commander of the regiment. Under him, the regiment acted quite successfully. The most successful operation was the capture of the rebel base near the district center of Urgun in October 1984. For Rokhlin, however, this operation was the last, since a helicopter was shot down, on which he flew around the area of ​​hostilities.

Rokhlin survived, but his legs were broken, his spine was injured, etc. For a long time he was treated in Kabul and Tashkent hospitals. The doctors' conclusion was unequivocal - to dismiss from the ranks of the armed forces. But Rokhlin could not imagine himself without the army, and he managed to achieve a change in the conclusion of the doctors. By the way, Tamara got a job as a nurse in the hospital and was with her husband all the time. I was treated in the hospital at the same time and met the Rokhlins. In 1986, Rokhlin was appointed deputy division commander in Kizil - Arvat, a garrison, even heavy by Turkestan standards. The Rokhlins already have a daughter and an eight-month-old son, who in Kizil-Arvat fell ill with encephalitis, which subsequently affected the general development of the child.

Tamara Pavlovna could no longer work, spending a lot of time in hospitals with a child. Two years later, Rokhlin was transferred to the same position in Azerbaijan. There he becomes a participant in the suppression of the Baku nationalists who perpetrated the massacre of Armenians in Sumgait. After the collapse of the USSR, Rokhlin returned to Russia, entered the Academy of the General Staff and graduated with honors in 1993. He becomes a major general and in June 1993 - the commander of the 8th Volgograd Guards. housing.

From December 10, 1994 to February 9, 1995, the corps took part in hostilities in Chechnya. Service information: “... The North-East grouping on the night of January 1, 1995 included units of the 8th Guards. AK under the command of General Rokhlin: the 255th motorized rifle regiment, the combined detachment of the 33rd motorized rifle regiment and the 68th separate reconnaissance battalion, in total: 2,200 people, 7 tanks, 125 infantry fighting vehicles and armored personnel carriers, 25 guns and mortars ... "In essence , it was just one full-time motorized rifle regiment, reinforced by two battalions and a company of tanks. It is very important to take into account its composition, because the army corps has 15 times more personnel, guns and armored vehicles.

The journalist Pavel Sviridov, an eyewitness to these actions, spoke well about General Rokhlin's actions in Grozny: “Rokhlin's detachment, only nominally called the 8th Guards Corps, under his command, not only turned out to be one of the most efficient, but also suffered the least losses. Because it was commanded by a talented and skillful military leader. In peacetime, they say, Rokhlin was even called a "tyrant", since, in the opinion of some, he paid too much attention to combat training. And in the end it turned out, as the great Suvorov used to say, "hard in training - easy in battle."

The general went into battle with his soldiers in Grozny, which became the city of death. When they asked why, he wondered: “What would they think of me then: in peacetime he squeezed the juices out of us, demanded that they prepare for war, but now he didn’t go with us? I knew that I would save the lives of many people. And so it happened. "

Rokhlin met New Year 1995 in Grozny. Of the 2,200 residents of Volgograd, 1,928 soldiers were presented to the Rokhlin for awards, but only half received them. Rokhlin himself refused the awards, stating: “In a civil war, commanders cannot gain glory. The war in Chechnya is not Russia's glory, but its misfortune. ”Elected to the State Duma, Lev Rokhlin almost immediately became in opposition to the Yeltsin regime. The general's opposition path was short and swift. He challenged the regime, broke with it, in his own words, "burned all the bridges." The immediate motives of his action are indignation at the fact that the army, the brainchild of the country, is being destroyed, and the state is being destroyed.

Rokhlin created the social and political Movement in Support of the Army, Defense Industry and Military Science (DPA), which called for the resignation of President Yeltsin as the main conductor of the destructive policy. “We are not opposed to the Constitution, but against President Yeltsin and his destructive course,” he said in the pages of the Economic Gazette. Its correspondent, who was talking to him at the time, wrote later: “... With disgust I now remember the vile whisper that roamed the opposition at the beginning of Rokhlin’s arrival in it:“ set up ”,“ zion ”...

The chatter came from false patriots who measured each of us by blood type ... General Rokhlin was truly a Russian person, rich in nature and breadth of soul, that is, one for whom, regardless of nationality and even more interethnic mixtures, his historical homeland was only here , only in Russia ... Rokhlin said: "... We have lost seventy-ninety percent of the industry in five years. Impeachment!"

Frightened by him, Yeltsin announced to the whole country: "We will sweep away Rokhlin!" Rokhlin contemptuously threw out then: "Even when shells and bullets whistled nearby, I did not fall on my knees." But he underestimated the reality of the president's threat. On the night of July 2 to 3, 1998, General Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin was shot dead.

Political observer Alexander Graverman wrote: “He was killed by the Yeltsin government, having well designed and planned the action staged under a family scandal, which is not difficult for Russian killers (the best in the world). General's widow accused of murdering her husband Tamara Pavlovna Rokhlina spent 6 years in prison until she was acquitted by the Strasbourg court.

At the trial, Tamara said: “... In front of indignant Russia I am being executed - insolently, cynically, unceremoniously. They are being executed because my husband wanted to rid the muzzled, robbed, humiliated Russia from a gang of ruling marauders. Those who still run the satanic ball in a fragmented country are afraid of my husband even when he is dead. The wording of my accusation has changed for the umpteenth time, and each time the next one is more absurd than the previous one. This time, it turns out, I killed the only breadwinner of my sick son, a lifelong disabled person of the first group, the only support of my family ... ”.

Alexander Rokhlin was, to put it briefly and succinctly, exactly the person in whom the country badly needed then. The undisputed leader, quickly growing into the leader of the nation. Behind Rokhlin's shoulders is service from the islands of the Arctic Ocean to the Transcaucasus, two wars that were unusually difficult for the Russian army. Alien bombs, shells, bullets spared him. They did not spare their own.

There is, however, one more, important aspect of the life and work of Lev Rokhlin - ethnic. And in this regard, I think, it is worth citing statements that I have chosen from various Russian media, print and electronic: - ... Lev Yakovlevich, either a Jew or a semi-liquid, wanted the authorities as passionately as the Jewish commissars wanted the authorities in 1917 year ... - ... Rokhlin is really a Jewish surname. To be convinced of this, it is enough to analyze the names and surnames on Internet sites. So his name and patronymic are not "Christmastide". But he was a good military man and a good man ... - ... The people already know who killed the patriot Lev Rokhlin .... We don't need to think that a Jew is not a Jew.

Patriots have no nationality, they have a huge human soul ... - ... The deceased was painfully insane, forgive me for a bad word. Another untimely departed general, A.I. Lebed is credited with a wonderful phrase about Rokhlin: "It connects three incompatible qualities - a general, a Jew and a fool." He apparently knew how to lead troops, but in politics he was a real child ... - ... Lev Rokhlin could become the president of Russia, because time itself should have nominated such a leader who would lead the policy of restoring the destroyed country.

In this sense, Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin - a man with a Jewish surname, Jewish blood and a true patriot of Russia - was sent to the country by God himself ... - ... I would not risk calling Lev Yakovlevich a Russian (?) Patriot (for the sake of justice). I have nothing against Jews as such, many of them deserve kind words, but there is a rule (albeit rude-sounding) - this is to determine nationality not by a passport, but by a face ... - ... I consider Rokhlin as he is considered himself. If a Jew, then a good Jew, if a Russian, then a good Russian ... - ... By virtue of the above, if the Jew Rokhlin is ranked among the patriots of only the Russian people, then we make him a traitor of the Jewish people. First of all, he is a patriot of his Russian Jewish people, glorifying this people with his deeds, his devotion, his patriotism. Rokhlin is the pride of all peoples, but, above all, of the Russian Jewish people, of which he is his own son ... Well, one can agree with the last statement.

ALEXANDER RUTSKOY

Even according to the strict canons of Halakha, Alexander is a Jew, because his mother Zinaida Iosifovna is Jewish. His father, Vladimir, is of purely Russian roots, a military man, a front-line soldier. Alexander was born in 1947 in the city of Kursk. According to Wikipedia: “... I spent my childhood in military garrisons at my father’s place of service. In 1964-1966. worked as a mechanic, assembly fitter at an aircraft plant, worked in the flying club at the pilots' department ... ". Drafted into the army in Kansk in 1966 and served as an air gunner-radio operator. In 1967 he entered the Barnaul Higher Military Aviation School of Pilot-Engineers, from which he graduated in 1971. Rutskoi's first wife was Nelli Vladimirovna Zolotukhina. They got married in 1969 in Barnaul, when Alexander Vladimirovich was a cadet, two years later, on the day Rutskoy graduated from the school, the eldest son, Dmitry, was born. He lived with Nelly Rutskaya for 15 years. In 1971-1977. he served at the Borisoglebsk Higher Military Aviation School named after V.P. Chkalov. In 1977-1980. studied at the Gagarin Air Force Academy. 1980-1984 - served on the territory of the GDR in the guards regiment of fighter-bombers. The last position is the chief of staff of the regiment. As you can see, the path of Alexander Rutskoi in the Soviet Army is quite successful, perhaps also because in the 5th column of his "Personal file" it is indicated - Russian. Because at the age of 33, graduating from the academy and ending up in the GDR as chief of staff of an aviation regiment - a Jew would never have succeeded in any weather. And in 1984 Rutskoi became the commander of a separate air assault regiment in Afghanistan. The regiment was part of the 40th Army of the Turkestan Military District. Journalist Vl. Shurygin writes: “... Rutskoi commanded a regiment of SU-25 attack aircraft - the most modern and powerful front-line aircraft at that time. From the very first months of his stay here Rutskoi became a legend. His "rooks" - as our soldiers and officers called the SU-25 - performed real miracles. In a short time, under the guidance of their commander, the pilots mastered the conduct of combat operations at night in the mountains. Rutskoi's night pilots became the terror of the mujahideen. The regiment did not lose a single pilot in a year of fighting. But in 1986, during the attack on the mountain fortress of Javara, Rutskoy was shot down. This was the first use of the Stinger anti-aircraft missile, which appeared among the dushmans. The plane exploded in the air. The pilot was saved by chance. But salvation does not mean life yet. The diagnosis was hopeless - a wound in the arm, a fracture of the spine. The doctor who treated him honestly warned: “Get your wheelchair ready. They don't get up with such injuries. " What happened next can be called a miracle: the “hopeless” Rutskoi not only got back on his feet, but, having completely restored his health, returned to duty. In 1987, Colonel Rutskoy again took to the skies. And a year later he returns to Afghanistan. Now the deputy commander of the aviation of the 40th Army. And again, with his arrival, the actions of the stormtroopers are becoming more daring and effective. But Rutskoi not only led, but also flew. The Stingers could not get it. Then the hunt for Rutskoi was led by Pakistani intelligence. He was tracked down, and in June 1988, in the Khost area, Rutskoi's attack aircraft was attacked by a pair of Pakistani fighters. Two missiles hit the attack aircraft at once. And again he was saved by a miracle. After the detonation of the first rocket, the catapult charge detonated, and the second rocket exploded already in the empty cockpit. He fell to the ground unconscious. And when he came to his senses, he realized that the wind had carried him over the mountain ridge, to the territory of Pakistan ... For five days Rutskoi made his way to the border. He was taken just 5 km from the state border near the village of Parachinar north of Peshawar. Then there were the torture chambers of Pakistani counterintelligence. However, on August 16, Rutskoi was exchanged for one of the leaders of Pakistani intelligence - a cousin of the then President Ziya Ulhak, who was detained by Afghan counterintelligence officers ... Rutskoi became one of the most famous pilots in Afghanistan. For three years, he performed 428 sorties. In 1988 he was awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. And in the same year he entered the Academy of the General Staff, which he graduated with honors in 1990. A year later he was appointed deputy commander of the air army and became a major general. By the way, Rutskoi is the last Soviet Jew to receive the rank of general. And again, if the fifth column had a halachic record, he would not have seen stripes as his ears. But he was General Rutskoi for a little over a year. Because it was at this time that the Soviet power collapsed, and with it the Soviet Army. Under the new Russia, he also followed the official path, but civil. And he rose to the highest degrees: he even visited the Russian president ... for several days! But - in order. Since the end of 1988, Alexander Rutskoy began to actively engage in political activities. In the spring of 1990 he was elected People's Deputy of the RSFSR and became a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. On May 18, 1991, Boris Yeltsin invited Rutskoi to run with him as a candidate for the post of vice-president of Russia, and on June 12 he was elected to this post. During the August putsch, Rutskoi was one of the organizers of the defense of the White House. And after the collapse of the USSR, Rutskoy remains in the post of vice-president of the Russian Federation, heads a number of departments. However, after the constitutional crisis in March 1993, Boris Yeltsin naturally lost all confidence in Alexander Rutskoi. A political struggle began, which resulted in a bloody drama in the fall of 1993. The most reliable and laconic story about these events comes from journalist Andrei Sheremetyev: “... In September 1993, General Rutskoi took up his usual business: he began to defend the White House. On the day when the people he called on to fight to defend Russia and democracy defended and died, the vice president, seeing that things were heading for collapse, called a press conference and showed a machine gun in grease: they say he did nothing wrong , did not even fire a single shot ... If Rutskoi's authorities had not been imprisoned, they would probably have forgotten about him. And so, he was soon released as a sufferer. And I got a second chance to do big politics. A former communist and then a former democrat joined the ranks of the patriots and founded the Derzhava movement. But, having received his part, it was unimportant to solo. "Power" began to fall apart, Rutskoi, in order to stay afloat, began to move in the wake of the communists ... ". On October 20, 1996, by the votes of the communists, Rutskoi was elected governor of the Kursk region, gaining 78.9 percent of the vote. However, his tenure in this post, judging by the reviews of the Russian media, he did not mark with any positive achievements. Moreover, they accuse Rutskoi of not fulfilling election promises, of abuse of power. And the most important, perhaps, the accusation is nepotism, more precisely: the Kursk governor used his powers to enrich his family members. It is difficult to say how true these accusations are. The fact, however, is that Rutskoy was simply removed from re-election in 2000. Of course, without Putin's knowledge, they could not have taken him out of the game. And they brought him out in a very interesting way: having found fault with the fact that he allegedly did not indicate the Volga car among his personal property in his declaration, the regional court removed Rutskoy from the distance a few hours before the vote. As a result, the current head of the region, who had every chance to easily win the elections from the very first round, was struck off the electoral lists and ballots, and the elections were eventually won with difficulty, but the first secretary of the regional organization of Russian communists, Alexander Mikhailov. There is no doubt that this was done on the direct orders of the Kremlin. The reasons are quite clear. Rutskoi did not differ in the accommodating nature necessary for a politician. Of course, Alexander Vladimirovich did not go into an open conflict with the central government: the lesson of 1993 was enough for him. But the "Muscovites" through the efforts of the governor at once lost practically all levers of influence on the economy of the grain southern region. According to the local opposition, the most attractive pieces of regional property after Rutskoy's victory ended up in the hands of the governor's relatives and friends. Such cases, according to the established tradition, the Center forgives only “its own”. And Rutskoi did not belong to this category of regional leaders. Significantly, the new governor, immediately after his election, launched a powerful campaign against his predecessor. And the main aspect of this campaign is anti-Semitic. Yes, yes, oddly enough, anti-Semitic! It is very important for a conscientious story about Rutskoi - he never denied his Jewish origin. Exactly - he did not deny, although he did not conduct discussions on this topic unless absolutely necessary. But after being removed from the gubernatorial elections, he was simply forced to join the fight against defamation. It began with the fact that Mikhailov in his very first interview said: “... Do you know who Rutskoi is? I am a Russian person, Vladimir Putin is also. And if anyone does not know, Rutskoy's mother is Jewish - Zinaida Iosifovna ... Removing Rutskoy from power is only the first step in the implementation of Putin's plan to cleanse Russia of Jews ... ”. Rutskoi reacted to this statement by initiating a lawsuit. He explained to the journalists: “I am filing a lawsuit against Mikhailov for inciting ethnic hatred - this is how I assess his statements. As a person, I am ready to punch him in the face, but as an official person I will sue. Moreover, Mr. Mikhailov declares that in the Kursk region there was a struggle not with me, but with a whole Jewish conspiracy. " The trial, however, ended in nothing. But he gave rise to a downright "anti-ruts" campaign in the press, in which all the ins and outs of Alexander Vladimirovich and his relatives were investigated. It would seem that divorces and marriages are a private matter for everyone, and the newspaper has nothing to do with these matters. Moreover, the second wife, Lyudmila, is a fashion designer, president of the firm Valentina Yudashkin, and is friends with the wife of Yuri Luzhkov. But whoever got it in full was Rutskoi's mother, Zinaida Iosifovna. Indeed, it is she who is the "sinister" bearer of the Jewish principle in the Rutskikh family. So she was accused of sins, earthly and "otherworldly". I quote: “... She is very rich, since her numerous offspring have a habit of bringing her good gifts. According to rumors, he is not averse to contact with the "evil" force ... ". Attempts by Rutskoy to somehow return to power structures were steadily suppressed. In March 2001, he announced his participation in the by-elections of the State Duma deputy in the single-mandate constituency # 79. Rutskoi managed to pay a deposit of 100 thousand rubles, but even before the official registration refused to participate in the elections, realizing the futility of this venture. However, in 2003 he tried again. And he was not admitted to the elections - his registration as a candidate was canceled by the Supreme Court in connection with the provision of incorrect information about the place of work to the election commission. As you understand, all these failures on the approach to the election campaign were inspired "from above". In the light of the foregoing, the personal qualities of a person who have replaced such a series of hypostases are of legitimate interest. One listing of them amazes: a pilot who was captured by the Islamists, a Hero of the Soviet Union, an aviation general, a statesman of the highest rank, a regional governor. There can be no doubt that he is an extraordinary person. Let's see, however, what they write about him. Marina Shakina from the newspaper Novoye Vremya: “... Rutskoi is extremely efficient - he can work eighteen hours a day. Learns new things quickly. Has a desire for self-education. According to some reviews, he drinks a little. Uncorrupted. Weak to flattery. The key question: is Rutskoi smart? Many - mainly from among the "highbrow" democrats - tend to assess the intellectual potential of the former vice president low. But in fairness, it should be noted that people who know him and work with him testify that Rutskoi is undoubtedly a very capable person - two military academies with honors. Perceptive, grasping everything on the fly ... ". Vladislav Shurygin The Day: “... Alexander Vladimirovich cannot be denied in willpower, perseverance, and pressure. This is a strong and whole person. The difficulties he faces only inflame his character as a fighter. Possesses the charm of a leader, being able to inspire others to believe in himself, to carry him along. Rutskoi's weakness is in his pragmatism. Not trusting anyone, he is not capable of being a strategist and playing a multi-step political game ... ”. And what is Alexander Vladimirovich like as a person, in everyday life, in a family? After leaving big politics, from administrative activities to private life, only a few journalists managed to penetrate into this life of Rutskoi. And the information presented by them is modest and laconic. Here are some of the publications. The fullest, perhaps, was written by Sergei Tkachuk, the correspondent of Novye Izvestia, who met with Rutskoi in his house on Rublevka. I will quote some of the statements of Alexander Vladimirovich: - To be honest, I do not like that I am too free. After all, I have a work book since I was 16. He worked all his adult life, served the Fatherland. And not so long ago, by chance and, one might say, meanly was knocked out of the saddle. And overnight I was among the unnecessary. And it’s very hard to feel unnecessary. - I have a big family - two adult sons. The third son on April 22 will be six years old. My daughter will be 12 years old in May. The elders in life have already decided and are working, but the younger ones need to be raised, educated, so the responsibility lies high on me - two more, as they say, need to be brought to their senses. - As for my free time, here I am not original - I read a lot. Recently I re-read Stanyukovich, Dickens, Mark Twain, Dostoevsky again. Why exactly them? Because you need to somehow be distracted from what is happening in today's life. - I have great respect and love for my wife, for my children, so I’m going nowhere without them. Even when I drive around Moscow, my wife is always there, because I can't live without her. Sad and dreary. - Today the strongest drink for me is non-alcoholic beer. For seven years now, I practically do not drink anything except beer. Only sometimes I allow myself to raise the stack, remembering those guys who did not return from Afgan. It is a sacred thing to raise a glass and remember the boys. - I have never been a deeply religious person. But remember how Igor Talkov sang: "At the last line you always remember God." So, the Lord God must always be present in the soul and head of a normal person. Do not sin, do not do anything bad to people, nature, animals - this must always be remembered ... It seems that for the limited area of ​​the sketch, Rutskoi's personality is outlined quite vividly. A brave pilot, twice a prisoner, an extraordinary politician, an active participant in two putsches, a typical Russian governor and a typical retirement pensioner. But at the same time - a Halachic Jew. Does he recognize his belonging to a long-suffering people? It seems to be conscious. While in Israel, he said that he could become its citizen at any moment. Has the right. And then an insidious thought creeps in: “Well, how would a Major General, Hero of the Soviet Union, an Israeli citizen, and would be elected Prime Minister of Israel? Surely he would not stand on ceremony with his enemies, who beat the same mercilessly in his time ... ".

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