Life in the Yenisei province at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century. Peasantry of the Yenisei province Resettlement places of the Yenisei province of the Krasnoyarsk district
The movement of immigrants was spontaneous. Most of the peasants were pushed to do this by the growing scarcity of land in the center of the country. Distant Siberia was pictured as a promised land, with plenty of land, forests rich in animals, and rivers abundant in fish. These ideas, of course, were more in line with the peasant dream of the fabulous Belovodye than with the harsh reality that awaited the settlers in the new land. A significant part of the peasants traveling to Siberia did not have accurate information about the place of their future settlement and the route of movement and walked at random. According to a statistical survey of the four southern districts of the province, out of 196 parties of settlers who came here in 1892, only 105 knew about the places of resettlement by correspondence, 22 - from the stories of random people, 39 sent walkers before sending, the rest went without any information .
Having decided to resettle, the peasants left their native places in such a way as to be on the road in the summer. Most of the settlers arrived in the province from April to November. As a rule, they walked in large parties of 40-50 families. Resettlement caravans moved along the Siberian Highway; carts with simple belongings served not only as a means of transportation, but also as housing. Resettlement centers with covered premises had a small capacity and could not provide shelter for all displaced people.
Many months of being in the open air, lack of basic sanitary conditions, poor nutrition, epidemics, numerous hardships and dangers on the road - all this became a severe test for those who chose the path of independent organization of their destiny. One of his contemporaries, writing about the bitter lot of settlers, noted that the path to Siberia for many became “an evil stepmother, and brought nothing except complete ruin, prolonged suffering, and sometimes the loss of an entire family”.
However, with the arrival of the peasants at the site, their misadventures did not end. There were no institutions specially created for settling migrants under the provincial administration. Only in May 1892, a temporary resettlement committee was created by the Krasnoyarsk community to help the settlers. The city community played the main role in it. The activists of the committee were V. M. Krutovsky, E. A. Rachkovskaya, A. P. Kuznetsov, A. N. Shepetkovsky. The mayor I. A. Matveev presided. Members of the committee were involved in registering immigrants, organizing reception centers, medical care, providing money, clothing, and explaining instructions regulating the situation of immigrants. But the committee existed on funds from donations, which were clearly not enough to provide full assistance to the displaced.
Bulletin of Chelyabinsk State University. 2009. No. 38 (176).
Story. Vol. 37. pp. 33-40.
resettlement to the Yenisei PROVINCE
IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX - AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY: ETHNOSOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC ASPECTS
The article examines the main stages of agricultural colonization of the Yenisei province in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. in the context of the formation of a multi-ethnic population of the region. The state policy on resettlement to Siberia is revealed, the places of resettlement of migrants, the influence of natural and climatic conditions on the choice of places of settlement are shown, the dynamics of the population is traced, taking into account changes in its ethnic composition.
Key words: settlers, old-timers, agricultural colonization, state
national politics, ethnic composition.
The formation of a multi-ethnic population of the Yenisei province, formed in 1822 within the Achinsk, Yenisei. Kansky, Krasnoyarsk and Minusinsk districts, was the result of its active colonization in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The originality of the cultural, historical and economic development of Central Siberia, located between the Tomsk and Tobolsk provinces in the west, Irkutsk in the east, was associated with the vastness of its territory, the severity of natural and climatic conditions, and the wealth of raw materials. All along the length from the Arctic Ocean to Mongolia, the province was crossed by the Yenisei River, as a result of which it received the name Prienisei region. The weak population and low density of its population predetermined the characteristics of migration processes in the region.
In Russian historiography, the main attention in covering the processes of colonization was paid to its causes, as well as problems and failures in the implementation of government policies. Researchers of the post-reform colonization of Siberia of the conservative (V.V. Alekseev, G.F. Chirkin) and liberal directions (V.Yu. Grigoriev, A.A. Kaufman,
A. R. Shneider), a number of whom were directly involved in the activities of resettlement and land management bodies of the Yenisei province, did not connect mass resettlement with social reasons, considering them a consequence of the agricultural crisis in the European part of Russia and overpopulation2.
Soviet historiography, represented
inspired by the works of V.V. Pokshishevsky,
L. F. Sklyarova, V. A. Stepynina,
V. G. Tyukavkina and others, pointed out the cumulative effect of the causes and factors of the colonization process, the most important of which were the displacement of the agricultural peasantry from the central part of the country; the state of harvests in Russia; commissioning of the Siberian Railway; destruction in 1906-1914 parts of peasant communities; desire to maintain the political stability of society3. A. V. Remnev emphasized that peasant colonization was carried out within the framework of imperial policy aimed at integrating Siberia into Russia. To achieve this, the need was proclaimed to strengthen the Slavic component among the foreign ethnic indigenous population, as well as exiled settlers of the region4.
In this article, the main emphasis in covering the agricultural colonization of the Yenisei province is on the formation of its population, which included active state intervention in demographic and ethnosocial processes, regulation of migration flows, taking into account the solution of problems of economic and military-political integration of new territories and ethnic groups.
By issuing a decree in 1822 by the Governor-General of Siberia M. M. Speransky, peasants from all provinces were allowed to move to the Siberian regions, thus the military colonization of Siberia was replaced by an agricultural one. In the early 1850s. Minister of State Property P.D. Kiselev carried out the resettlement of state peasants to the Siberian provinces, including the Yenisei region.
By 1855, according to the report of the governor of the Yenisei province V.K. Padalka, 795 families were settled - immigrants from the Vyatka and Perm provinces, close in natural conditions to the new place of residence of the settlers. In 1856, 799 families came from the same provinces and Oryol. In total, from 1852 to 1858, 5982 male souls were installed with a corresponding number of female ones. Thanks to a significant supply of land and the benefits provided, most of the settlers achieved prosperity. In total, until 1866, there were up to 69 individual resettlement parties, which, together with the settlers of the 1850s. numbered over 9,000 souls of both sexes. These groups were sent mainly to the Minusinsk district (57 parties), whose natural and climatic conditions were favorable for agriculture, as well as nearby Achinsk (7 parties)5.
After the reform of 1861, resettlement became possible for former serfs. The law required that those resettled pay all arrears, renounce participation in worldly land, and receive dismissal sentences from society6. Due to these restrictions, until the early 1880s. Almost the only form of colonization remained the unauthorized resettlement of the peasantry. At the same time, the state need to populate the outskirts and develop their natural resources prompted the government to abandon its passive negative attitude towards resettlement.
In landscape terms, the areas of colonization of the Yenisei province (without Turukhansk region) were quite harsh: taiga occupied 22.9%, mountain taiga regions - 3.8%, forest-steppe and steppe - 3.0%7. The Northern Yenisei District was a taiga zone with a “hill” topography and some wetlands, which greatly devalued the colonization fund. The settlers sought to locate their arable land on elans (meadow glades with deciduous woodlands) and meadow areas called “subtaiga” places. Located along the Siberian tract, they connected individual elans and isolated “islands” of the forest-steppe landscape of the Achinsk, Krasnoyarsk and Kansk districts into a single strip, forming a unique steppe zone. The Minusinsk Basin stood apart, where significant steppe areas
di were surrounded by mountain forests. The ridges divided the entire basin into a number of separate “steppes” - Abakan, Sagai, Kachin, where fertile black soils occupied a significant place. Rich mountain pastures were close to places convenient for plowing. A circumstance that complicated the development of agriculture was the altitude of 400-800 meters above sea level. With severe cold in winter and insufficient snow cover, the cultivation of winter crops was not always successful. Therefore, the settlers sowed almost exclusively spring crops8.
As a result of natural, and mainly mechanical growth, the population of the Yenisei province increased from 176,413 people. in 1823 to 310,338 in 1865. The most densely populated were the agricultural Minusinsk district, where 90,232 people lived. (29.1% of the population of the Yenisei province), as well as industrial Krasnoyarsk with a population of 64,120 people. (20.7%). The remaining districts played an intermediate role in terms of numbers: Achinsk -56,391 people. (18.1%), Kansky - 54884 (17.7%), Yeniseisky - 44711 (14.4%)9.
In the Minusinsk district, migrants were in the majority in a number of places, for example, in the Kuraginsk and Idrinsk volosts. In the vast area of the southwestern part of the district, where before 1850 there were no more than a dozen villages, in 1890 there were 52 of them (7115 farms)10. The settlers preferred to settle in old-time settlements in the steppe or forest-steppe zones, where they could rent housing before building their own house, and get a hired job to receive funds to start their own farm. In the old-time settlements there were large areas of deposits, which were easier to develop than virgin land.
In the 1880-1890s. In the Yenisei province, resettlement points were created to provide medical and food assistance to arriving peasants (Krasnoyarsk, Beloyarskoye, Achinsk, Zaledeevo, Kansk, Olginsky). However, the condition of the premises and services was unsatisfactory.
In 1881, the Committee of Ministers issued rules that allowed the resettlement of peasants who had plots less than 1/3 of the norm established by the regulations of February 19, 1861. The Law of 1889 made it easier for peasants to settle
move from society, provided settlers with government assistance on the way in the form of cheap tariffs on the railway and when setting up a household in a new place, and gave benefits in paying taxes and serving duties for several years11.
Until 1893, in the Yenisei province there were no special bodies and officials involved in settling the settlers, with the exception of the district police officer, who, due to the breadth of his powers, paid almost no attention to the settlers. During 1892-1893 The Krasnoyarsk Temporary Resettlement Committee, formed by representatives of liberal circles of society to provide assistance to new arrivals on a charitable basis, operated. The settlers were left to their own devices in choosing a place to settle and finding a means of living in a new place12.
The newspaper “Eastern Review” talked about the search for land by peasants of the Tambov province (28 families, 150 people) in the Minusinsk district, who on July 2, 1885, on the streets of Minusinsk, “removing their hats, bowing, turned to everyone they met, asking to indicate - “Where should I go?”, where there are free government lands.” As a result of long searches and inquiries, the settlers dispersed in separate families to the old-timer villages of Ermakovskaya, Shushenskaya and other volosts13.
In 1893, during the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, stretching from Chelyabinsk to Vladivostok, the government, interested in settling its area, began to create a special resettlement apparatus. In 1893, the Committee of the Siberian Railway was formed, headed by the manager A. N. Kulomzin, one of whose tasks was to regulate the resettlement matter. In 1896, the Resettlement Administration was established, actually headed by A.V. Krivoshein, whose responsibilities included organizing the movement of settlers, issuing loans, arranging medical and food stations along the way, preparing a land fund for the colonists and installing them on the plots. Unauthorized resettlement was legalized, and its participants were equalized with resettlers who had permission. In order to prevent the ruin of settlers and the return movement to European Russia, since 1896 they were ordered to, before moving to Siberia,
families, send walkers to select and enroll plots14.
In 1893, the positions of resettlement officials in the districts were established in the Yenisei province, and survey parties began to work to cut out land plots for settlers. In 1898, the positions of peasant chiefs were introduced, designed to provide financial and advisory assistance to settlers in the area within 2-3 volosts. However, the weak business skills of local officials and ignorance of the geographical location of the sites did not allow them to properly perform their duties.
During the governorship of L.K. Telyakovsky (1890-1896), the formation of resettlement and reserve areas began in the Yenisei province. In order to populate the territory of the railway under construction, resettlement authorities sent the bulk of the population to the counties through which it passed (Kansky, Achinsky, Krasnoyarsk). In them in 1893-1905. 289 resettlement settlements arose out of 323 founded in the province (89.5% of their total number). At the same time, the bulk of the resettlement settlements arose away from the steppe and forest-steppe areas, convenient for agriculture, and quite densely populated in the previous period15.
Along with the settlements of Russians, Belarusians and Ukrainians, areas of foreign ethnic populations were created. So, during the migration wave of the 1890-1900s. in the Yenisei province, dozens of Estonian settlements were founded (sections of Torginsky, Samovolny, Kokolevka, Sukhaya Kirza, Gryaznaya Kirza, Surovy, Krol, Sorinsky, Ostrovsky, Bakhchinka of the Krasnoyarsk district, Imbezhsky, Sukhanovsky, Blue Ridge, Estonian, Peasant, Kabritsky, Novo-Pechera , Lebedevo, Chumakovsky, Kipelovo, Bolotny, Kuklino, Krutoy Kansky district16.
In general, over the thirty years of the post-reform period (1865-1896), the rural population of the Achinsk (increase was 200.0%) and Minusinsk (190.3%) districts grew most rapidly. They were followed by Kansky (159.0%), Krasnoyarsk (135.9%) and Yenisei (133.5%) districts. At the same time, the urban population of Kansk (349.9% and Krasnoyarsk (318.8%)17) grew at a faster pace. Regulatory role
government in the process of land management of settlers was carried out in the direction of limiting land use by old-timers in the steppe and forest-steppe regions and, to an even greater extent, in directing settlers to undeveloped areas of the taiga and sub-taiga.
According to the results of the General Census of the Russian Empire in 1897, 570,161 people lived in the Yenisei province, of which 153,970 were non-local natives, which accounted for 26.95% of its population18. Peasants predominated among the old-timers (74.7%). The share of hereditary nobles was 33.1%. Local natives included 39.1% of personal nobles, officials and their families, as well as 36.7% of people of other classes, which included
The indigenous population was also included19.
Among the Siberian migrants there were mainly people from the provinces most affected by the agrarian crisis - 32.2 thousand people. from the Central Black Earth (Tambov
6.4%, Penza - 3.4%, Kursk - 2.8%, Oryol - 2.6%, Ryazan - 1.9%), 10.7 thousand - from the central with strong remnants of serfdom (Nizhny Novgorod - 2 .8%, Vladimirskaya - 1.8%). Migrants from “Little Russian” places were represented by 19.3 thousand people in the provinces of Poltava - 5.8%, Chernigov - 3.3%, Kyiv - 1.6%, Podolsk - 1.2%. A large share of migrants from the first two, as well as 4.3 thousand people from the western provinces (Smolensk - 1.1%, Vitebsk - 0.9%) was explained by the spread of household land ownership, which allowed peasants to sell their plots, giving them material resources when creating a farm in Siberia. 23.8 thousand migrants from the Urals region (Vyatka - 7.4%, Perm
6.1%, Orenburg - 1.1%) and 10.3 thousand Volga region (Samara - 2.9%, Kazan -2.3%, Saratov and Simbirsk - 1.5% each) provinces, conveniently located in relation to to the main routes to Siberia also provided a large share of migrants19.
A significant role in the formation of the population of the Yenisei region was played by immigrants from the Siberian regions - Tobolsk province (9.0%), Tomsk (4.7%) and Irkutsk (1.4%)
From 2 to 5 thousand people. The northern provinces, which actively populated Siberia during the colonization period of the 17th - 18th centuries, gave only 1.3 thousand migrants (St. Petersburg - 0.9%, Novgorod - 0.6%, Vologda - 0.5%). Up to 1 thousand people named the place of their birth
Denia Baltic provinces (Kovno
0.8%, Livlyandskaya - 0.6%, Courlandskaya
0.3%, Estonian - 0.2%). Arrivals from the Vistula provinces (Warsaw, Lublin, Petrokovskaya) accounted for 2.6% of non-local natives of the Yenisei province, and migrants from the Caucasus and Central Asia each made up 1.0% of the total visiting population20. Data on the places of exit of the newcomer component of the residents of the Yenisei region allow us to draw a conclusion about the multi-ethnic basis of the formation of the population of the region.
Further steps in the development of the government's colonization activities were legislative acts of 1903 on the abolition of mutual responsibility, 1904 - permission for peasants to sell allotment land, 1905-1906. - abolition of redemption payments and mandatory stay of peasants in the community21.
In the conditions of preparation of the Stolypin agrarian reform in 1905, the solution to the resettlement issue was concentrated in the hands of the Main Directorate of Land Management and Agriculture. On the territory of the Yenisei province, where the reform was moving in the direction of resettlement and expansion of the community, a resettlement district was formed headed by the head of the resettlement business, reporting to the governor V.F. Davydov, since 1906 - A.N. Girs.
14 resettlement subdistricts formed in the districts included 129 volosts and 4 “foreign councils” inhabited by Khakassians. In 1906, the Department of Resettlement and Land Management was created in the province, headed by Yu. V. Grigoriev, which was responsible for allocating land plots to settlers, improving their living conditions, and issuing loans for acquiring household goods and equipment22.
In 1906-1910 The resettlement movement in the Yenisei province increased sharply; about 30 thousand farms joined the region. Then there were significant fluctuations in the direction of increase or decrease. In 1906-1916. the number of those settled in the region amounted to 131,185 people, reaching a peak in 1910 (21,203 people)23.
In conditions of a massive flow of migrants, where, unlike the previous period, it was not the middle peasants who predominated, but the poor, new resettlement points were built - Dolgomostovsky, Bolshe-Uluysky, Solbinsky, Sorokinsky, Shushensky, Minusinsky, Bolshemurtinsky. But, according to V. Yu. Grigoriev, built
the complexes did not meet the requirements, so in the spring of 1908 the settlers were placed on the yet-to-melt snow, in the open air24.
From the report of the Resettlement Administration under the Cabinet of Ministers for 1909 it followed that group walkers in five districts of the Yenisei province were allocated over
34.4 thousand sites, of which only 27.4% were enrolled. This was explained by the fact that 71.0% of the shares were provided in the northern and taiga regions, far from residential areas and the railway. At the same time, the bulk of the settlers came from the steppe, southern provinces or central Russia. The largest number of plots was allocated to the provinces of Kursk - 4982, Mogilev
4000, Vitebsk - 2892, etc. 25
In total, 16.6 thousand shares were credited. In addition, 1,572 families with 5.3 thousand shares received acceptance sentences (enrolled) in old-timers' societies. 7,390 families were settled in the resettlement areas, which included 21,562 male souls (about the same number of females were resettled). Of these, 72.0% of families settled according to passage certificates (that is, with guaranteed receipt of a plot), and 28.0% were unauthorized migrants. In addition, 1,767 families with 5,631 males were established in the farms of old-timers. The largest share of settled families was in Kansky district (38.3%), the smallest in Yenisei district (2.3%). In Achinsk district, 23.5% of families settled, Minusinsk - 20.2%, Krasnoyarsk -
16.2%. In the well-developed old-timer farms of the Minusinsk district,
34.5% of migrants26.
Of those who were installed, 3.7% of those who were established in the province returned to their homeland and went to other places in Siberia
4.4%27. The reverse movement of settlers, as in the previous period, was due to the unsuitability of the harvested plots for agriculture at the existing level of agronomy, insufficient loans, lack of additional earnings to obtain funds for setting up a farm, crop failures, famine, epidemics, etc.
From 1893 to 1912, the Resettlement Administration of the Yenisei Province established 2,023 sites (671 during the period of Stolypin’s resettlement policy): of which 800 and 352, respectively, in Kansk and Achinsk districts,
409 - in the least favorable for agriculture Yenisei district, whose organized settlement began precisely during this period, 186 - in Krasnoyarsk, 236 - in Minusinsk district, 40 - in the Usinsk border district28.
The geography of resettlement of settlers indicated that the government sought to settle areas specially designated for colonization, mainly in the forest and taiga zones of the Kan and Yenisei districts. A characteristic feature of the new settlements was a higher density of settlement than in the areas of old-time land tenure, and heterogeneity of owners in the places where they left the European part of Russia. At the same time, there was a desire to make maximum use of the old colonization areas of the Minusinsk and Achinsk districts. Here, the process of land management of old-timers began to be actively carried out with the aim of removing their “surplus” and organizing resettlement plots on their lands. The difficulties for immigrants in acquiring acceptance sentences and the difficulties of living with old-timers in the position of non-registered people have disappeared. On average, 15-17 acres of land were allocated per head of old-timers and male settlers, including arable lands, hayfields,
sy and pastures29.
Intra-allot land surveying of resettlement farms in the province, which the government sought to direct along the path of creating farmsteads and cuttings, began in 1909. Given the existing tradition of the Siberian community not to redistribute developed land and the actual existence of household land use, it extended to old-timer farms only in 1912.30
During the years of Stolypin's resettlement policy, several thousand farms were formed in the Yenisei province. Farmers were mainly immigrants from the Baltic states, as well as Germans and Belarusians. Thus, in 1908, Lutheran Latvians, Catholic Latgalians, immigrants from the Livonia and Vitebsk provinces, numbering 32 thousand people, settled in the Krasnoyarsk, Achinsk, Minusinsk and Kansk districts, where they founded about 50 settlements31. In the Krasnoyarsk district, the Stepno-Badzheyskaya volost was formed with a large number of Estonian Lutherans. The village of Haidak became the center of the Orthodox Setu Estonians, who settled the territory between the Kan and Mana rivers in 1900.
Perovskaya volost of Kansky district 32.
As the settlers advanced in 1910-1916. deep into the region, the depletion of the colonization fund of convenient lands, officials of the Resettlement Administration carried out an audit of plots, some of which, due to lack of demand by the colonists, were transferred to the category of reserve ones. The settlers of these remote and inconvenient areas could not receive additional income, which was so necessary while the economy was being established, since the loan for its establishment was clearly insufficient (an average of 40.62 rubles). There were often cases when people from 7-12 provinces of different nationalities settled in one resettlement area, as a result of which disagreements arose with neighbors on land use issues related to communal, household or farm management. There were clashes of a religious nature33. In a number of cases, especially in 1907-1910, spare areas were used to accommodate settlers.
Some of the settlers had a desire to move to relatives or co-religionists who had settled in areas of the old-time zone with more developed economies, infrastructure, schools and church parishes. Depending on the location of installation, different economic effects were obtained. The most well-settled migrants were considered to be those who settled in old-timer villages or in areas of the old-timer zone. The colonists who had to develop the taiga and foothills found themselves in the most difficult situation. The table data shows the average characteristics of the economic situation of re-Comparative data of farms
settlers in old-timer villages and relatively new resettlement areas in comparison with the economy of old-timers.
2012 marks the 150th anniversary of the birth of the outstanding Russian statesman Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin.
P.A. Stolypin was born on April 2, 1862 into a noble family. He studied at the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of St. Petersburg University. After graduating, he held various positions in the public service, including being the governor of the Grodno and Saratov provinces. In 1906 he was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs and Chairman of the Council of Ministers. He served as Chairman of the Council of Ministers until 1911. On September 1, 1911, he was mortally wounded by the anarchist D. G. Bogrov.
In 1906 P.A. Stolypin proclaimed a course towards socio-political and economic reforms, the most important of which was the reform of peasant allotment land tenure, aimed at eliminating peasant land shortages, increasing the intensity of economic activity of the peasantry on the basis of private ownership of land, and increasing the marketability of peasant farming. To achieve these goals, the law of November 9, 1906 allowed exit from the peasant community.
An integral part of the agrarian reform was the resettlement policy, which was supposed to solve the most pressing problems of Russia's internal development - the development of uninhabited outlying lands and the elimination of rural overpopulation in European Russia, and mitigate the consequences of the reform itself - the destruction of the peasant community, the capitalization of the village.
From the organized resettlement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. resettlement policy P.A. Stolypin was more thoughtful and attractive to the settlers themselves. All issues related to resettlement were widely explained in printed publications specially published for the peasant population. Various loans were also introduced for settlers - from preferential railway travel to loans for home improvement, which allowed the poorest representatives of the peasant population to move to new lands, and not just the middle peasants, as before. In places of settlement, in order to avoid any land conflicts with the old-timer population, settlers were allocated special plots allocated for these purposes from state and government lands.
These and other measures led to a surge in resettlement activity among the population. The resettlement movement during this period covered 47 provinces, compared to 17 provinces at the end of the 19th century. And according to the Resettlement Administration, in 1908 alone, more than 750 thousand immigrants were transported by rail to Siberia, while from 1885 to 1896. Only 469,275 people moved beyond the Urals.
The Yenisei province was one of the first Siberian provinces opened for resettlement at the end of the 19th century. From that time on, resettlement did not stop until the outbreak of the First World War, and by 1914, settlers already accounted for more than half of the province’s residents. And if we take into account wartime refugees, population migration during the Civil War and the first years of Soviet power, we can say that resettlement processes continued here continuously until the mid-1920s, having a huge impact on various spheres of life. Therefore, documents reflecting the state’s resettlement policy, including those pursued by Stolypin, are found in many funds of the State Archives of the Krasnoyarsk Territory.
Fund 4 “Krasnoyarsk resettlement point” contains documents on the activities of resettlement centers on the territory of the Yenisei province: information on the amount of food aid issued to settlers at the Kansk resettlement point in 1906; table of the cost of civil structures at resettlement points - Staro-Krasnoyarsky, Novo-Krasnoyarsky, Achinsky, Kansky, Olginsky, Bolshe-Uluysky, Abansky, Tinsky, Dolgo-Mostovsky, Minusinsky in 1908; statements on the status of loans at the disposal of the head of the Krasnoyarsk resettlement center for the first half of 1913; cost estimate for the Krasnoyarsk resettlement point for 1914; correspondence on personnel and economic issues of the Krasnoyarsk resettlement point.
There are many documents in the fund about medical assistance to resettlers - an extract from the journal of the general presence of the Yenisei provincial administration dated March 1, 1907, ordering that peasants, both old-timers and new settlers, be sent to hospitals at resettlement points only if ordinary rural hospitals are occupied and in the presence of special accompanying papers; reports on the repair and completion of the Novo-Krasnoyarsk, Achinsky, Kansky, Olginsky, Abansky, Tinsky resettlement medical centers of the Yenisei province for 1908; correspondence of officials about the state of medical care for displaced people, about the medical personnel of resettlement points, about the appointment of medical personnel to serve in resettlement points, certificates of medical education.
The fund also contains correspondence about the transportation of settlers to Minusinsk and Yeniseisk from Krasnoyarsk along the Yenisei River on the ships of the joint-stock company "Shipping Company on the Yenisei River" in 1913. It contains information about the procedure for transporting settlers, about the place where settlers boarded the ships of the joint-stock company in Krasnoyarsk , about the conditions under which the migrants expected to be sent, about the number of migrants sent, about the rate determined for the transportation of resettlement luggage (luggage, horses, cattle, ordinary carts) to the piers of Derbina, Daurskaya, Ubeyskaya, Novoselovskaya, Batenevskaya, Ust -Erbinskaya, Sorokina, Minusinskaya, Atamanova, Pavlovshchina, Okseeva, Zalivskaya, Kazachinskaya, Strelka, Yeniseiskaya. Attached to the correspondence are the certificates of the barge paramedics accompanying the settlers to Minusinsk and Yeniseisk.
An interesting notice from the Resettlement Administration, sent in 1907 to the resettlement organizations of the province, was about cases of agitation against resettlement among peasant migrants at the stations of the Siberian, Transbaikalian railways and the Chinese Eastern Railway, noticed by an agent of the Poltava provincial zemstvo government.
Fund 6 “Peasant chief of the 4th section of the Krasnoyarsk district” contains documents on the enrollment of migrants in the resettlement areas of the Krasnoyarsk district for 1907-1921, verdicts of rural gatherings of villages of the Krasnoyarsk district on the admission of migrants to rural societies, books of records of settlers of the Krasnoyarsk district, statements on the issuance of cash benefits to settlers of the Krasnoyarsk district in 1907-1917, invoices and certificates issued to settlers to receive benefits in 1916, a list of householders who settled in the Yarlychikha resettlement area of the Elovskaya volost in 1899-1918. A number of documents concern the settlers of the Bolshe-Murta volost: lists, passage certificates, various petitions for 1909-1913, information about the population of the resettlement areas of the volost.
Fund 7 “Krasnoyarsk County Congress of Peasant Leaders” contains various documents on the issuance of cash loans to settlers in the county, on the movement of settlers, design plans for the division into farms and communities of resettlement areas of the Shalinskaya volost of the Krasnoyarsk county in 1910, a list of settlers of the Plosko-Klyuchinsky section of the Elovskaya volost for 1909
Fund 31 “Yenisei Provincial Statistical Committee” contains a table on the placement of settlers in the volost plots of the Kansky district in 1906. The table provides data: for how many souls the plots were formed; the number of men and women who settled on them until 1906; the number of men and women who settled on them in 1906; the number of those who arrived in 1906 with permission; the number of people who arrived without permission in 1906; provinces of departure of migrants; the number of families who took advantage of loans in 1906 for home improvement, crops, and food (in rubles and kopecks); the number of shares enrolled for walkers and free by sections and volosts.
Fund 160 “Yenisei Provincial Treasury Chamber” contains passports, family lists of migrants, protocols on placement in resettlement sites, protocols on the exclusion of migrants from exit points, resettlement passage certificates, walking certificates. They contain information about both migrants and members of their families. In addition, these documents provide general information about the resettlement procedure. The fund also contains materials about the formation of rural societies in resettlement areas in 1906-1907, correspondence from officials about unauthorized migrants, about existing arrears of state quitrent tax and provincial zemstvo tax from peasants wishing to move to the Yenisei province.
Fund 223 “Senior work producer, head. Yenisei Party on the formation of resettlement and reserve areas" contains materials on the formation of resettlement areas in 1906-1909.
Fund 244 “Alexandrovsky Volost Administration” contains circulars of the head of resettlement and land management in the Yenisei province for 1911-1916; documents on the issuance of loans to settlers in 1912-1915; documents on the registration of immigrants for residence in the Alexandrovskaya volost in 1913-1914; correspondence with village boards and headmen about immigrants; lists of resettlement areas of the Alexandrovskaya volost for 1912-1913. A number of documents concern the settlers of the Balgash resettlement area - requests for a loan, lists of resettlers living in the Davydov Log, Balgash, Zauzen areas, a case against the Balgash settler S. Feoktistov being accused of illegal logging.
Fund 247 “Shalinsky volost government” contains documents on the inclusion of migrants for residence in the Shalinsky volost in 1908-1915, on the return of immigrants to their homeland, on the inclusion of immigrants in the society of old-timers, on the issuance of cash loans to settlers, on the arrest of settlers for non-payment of arrears, hooliganism; family lists of settlers, a register of the Krasnoyarsk Treasury on arrears accruing to peasant settlers on loans for travel expenses and home improvement in 1914-1917, information about settlers called up for military service in 1917.
Fund 250 “Pogorelsky volost administration” contains materials about immigrants enrolled to live in the village. Minderlinskoye, Irkutskoye, Ustyug, Badagovskoye in 1906-1915.
Fund 262 “Manager of resettlement and land management in the Yenisei province” contains various documents on the formation of resettlement sites and farms in the Yenisei province; on the progress of resettlement, enrollment and placement of migrants in the resettlement areas of the Yenisei region; on the production of uprooting work in resettlement areas, on the clearing of forest areas for arable land in the Yenisei province; information about the Olginsky shelter for displaced children; family lists of immigrants from the Yenisei province. The fund also contains a map of the Yenisei resettlement region for 1911-1912. and instructions compiled for agents of the South Russian Regional Zemstvo Resettlement Organization for 1912.
Fund 342 “Kiyai volost administration” contains verdicts of rural societies on the inclusion of migrants, family lists, dismissal certificates, documents on the exclusion of migrants from rural societies, insurance statements of private buildings of homeowners of resettlement plots.
Fund 344 “Balahtinskoe volost administration” contains passage certificates of resettlement of the volost’s settlers.
Fund 401 “Management of Agriculture and State Property” contains documents on the formation of resettlement areas in the Yenisei province; cases on the formation of land plots from the lands of state-owned forest dachas; descriptions of resettlement, farm and reserve sites. The fund also contains documents about the settlement of reserve areas of the Yenisei province by Amur settlers and documents about the study of the banks of the Yenisei River between the cities of Yeniseisk and Krasnoyarsk in order to determine the suitability of adjacent spaces for colonization.
Fund 441 “District Office of the Yenisei-Irkutsk District of Agricultural Warehouses and Commodity and Food Shops of the Resettlement Administration” contains documents on hiring, dismissal, transfer to other positions, issuance of cash loans and salaries to employees of the district office, as well as lists of vacant resettlement sites Kansky district.
Fund 526 “Voznesensk volost administration” contains family lists of peasants assigned to live in the Voznesensk volost in 1913; family lists of resettlement sites; lists of resettlers of settlements of the volost.
Fund 575 “Head of the subdistrict for resettlement of migrants and economic organization in the Krasnoyarsk district” contains documents on the intra-allotment demarcation of resettlement sites, on the enrollment and placement of settlers in sites, on the establishment of resettlement sites, books for the enrollment of resettlers in resettlement sites.
Fund 584 “Senior Worker, Head of the Krasnoyarsk Land Management Party” contains circulars from the head of resettlement and land management in the Yenisei province on resettlement issues.
Fund 585 “Senior worker, head of the Yenisei Party for the formation of resettlement sites along the Siberian Railway line” contains documents on the inclusion of settlers in peasant societies, on the provision of food for settlers, on the formation of resettlement and reserve sites.
Fund 595 “Yenisei Provincial Administration” contains statements and reports on the activities of hospitals and resettlement centers along the Central Siberian Railway, statements on the activities of resettlement medical centers, monthly reports on the activities of hospitals in resettlement centers, reports on the activities of the outpatient clinic and hospital of the Olginsky resettlement center, reports about the activities of the Kansky resettlement point hospital; correspondence with the head of resettlement and land management, with the Yenisei governor about the appointment of a doctor to lead a medical resettlement organization, monthly reports on the work of hospitals in resettlement centers. In addition, the fund contains reports on the progress of resettlement to resettlement sites in the Yenisei province, documents on the collection of debts from settlers, on the issuance of gratuitous benefits to settlers in the Yenisei province, on the issuance of grain loans to settlers, documents for preferential railway travel, and on the resettlement of residents to the Yenisei province, on the formation of resettlement areas, rural societies, on the opening of churches in the resettlement areas of the Yenisei province, consideration of complaints from settlers about delayed luggage and incorrect actions of officials of special assignments of the resettlement department, projects and estimates for the construction of roads, residential buildings, courtyard buildings and others resettlement management facilities.
Fund 639 “Head of resettlement affairs of the Yenisei-Irkutsk region” contains documents on the issuance of loans for the construction of bakery stores on the territory of resettlement sites, on the resettlement of residents of European Russia to the province (relationships, reports, petitions), drawings of resettlement sites Prutnyak, Buluk, Soldatsky Log.
Fund 643 “Sanitary Doctor of the Ob-Yenisei Section” contains temporary rules for the supervision of medical personnel of the railways over the movement of migrants along inland waterways, sanitary rules for the maintenance of ships transporting immigrants along inland waterways.
Thus, the documents of the State Archive of the Krasnoyarsk Territory reflect various aspects of Stolypin’s resettlement policy and may be of interest not only to researchers involved in the scientific development of this topic, but also to those who are passionate about genealogy and local history.
V.V. Chernyshov,
leading archivist
KSKU "GAKK"
After the abolition of serfdom in Russia in 1861, 54,366 people moved to the Yenisei province until 1890. The bulk of them were located in old-timer villages, but at the same time 27 new villages were founded by old-timers and settlers.
Since 1892, the resettlement process has acquired a steadily increasing character. From 1892 to 1905 358 villages were founded by settlers, but only one of them was in the northern part of the Yenisei province. There were already 190 thousand settlers from this period.
In 1906 - 1916 in connection with the reforms of P.A. Stolypin resettlement acquired a massive, targeted character. During this decade, 671 new villages arose in the Yenisei province and 274,516 people moved here. The overwhelming number of “Stolypin” villages were founded in the taiga zone.
The population of the province grew rapidly due to the natural increase in the old-timer population: the total increase in old-timers from 1897 to 1917 was . amounted to 367 thousand people. By 1917, the rural population of the Yenisei province amounted to 931,814 male and female souls.
Formed by Decree of Emperor Alexander I, the Yenisei province was simultaneously divided into 5 districts: Yenisei, Krasnoyarsk, Achinsk, Minusinsk, Kansky. Later, the Turukhansk Territory was separated from the Yenisei District, and a new Usinsk Border District was formed in the south. Since 1898, the districts began to be called counties. Villages and population were distributed among districts by 1863 as follows (Table 4):
Table 4
This way, most populated in the middle of the 19th century. became the Minusinsk district. Initially, most of the settlers of the second half of the 19th century. settled in the Minusinsk, Achinsk, Krasnoyarsk districts, but at the beginning of the 20th century. Kansk district is developing the fastest.
District centers of the 19th – early 20th centuries. called cities, quickly turned into centers of trade and crafts, but at the same time most of the inhabitants were engaged in arable farming, servicing roads, and crafts. Fair trade developed rapidly in the cities and large villages of the province.
Each district had 3–4 volosts. So, in 1831, the Minusinsk district included 4 volosts: Shushenskaya, Kuraginskaya, Abakanskaya and Novoselovskaya. The formation of new villages and the development of new lands required the allocation of new volosts. Composition of the volosts of the Yenisei province by 1917. (without Turukhansk region) was as follows:
Yenisei district: Antsiferovskaya, Belskaya, Kazachinskaya, Kezhemskaya, Maklakovskaya, Pinchugskaya, Yalanskaya volosts.
Krasnoyarsk district: Aleksandrovskaya, Bolshe-Murtinskaya, Voznesenskaya, Elovskaya, Esaulskaya, Zaledeyevskaya, Kiyaiskaya, Mezhevskaya, Nakhvalskaya, Petropavlovskaya, Pogorelskaya, Pokrovskaya, Sukhobuzimskaya, Tertezhskaya, Chastoostrovskaya, Shalinskaya and Shilinskaya volosts.
Achinsk district: Balakhtinskaya, Balakhtonskaya, Berezovskaya, Birilyusskaya, Bolshe-Uluyskaya, Daurskaya, Kozulskaya, Koltsovskaya, Kornilovskaya, Kizylskaya foreign, Malo-Imyshenskaya, Nazarovskaya, Nikolskaya, Nikolaevskaya, Novo-Elovskaya (Zachulimskaya), Petrovskaya, Podsosenskaya, Pokrovskaya, Solgonskaya, Tyulkovskaya, Uzhurskaya, Sharypovskaya volosts.
Minusinsk district: Abakanskaya, Askizskaya foreign, Beiskaya, Balykskaya, Beloyarskaya, Vostochenskaya, Ermakovskaya, Znamenskaya, Idrinskaya, Imisskaya, Iudinskaya, Kaptyrevskaya, Komskaya, Knyshinskaya, Kocherginskaya, Kuraginskaya, Lugovskaya, Motorskaya, Malo-Minusinskaya, Nikolskaya, Novoselovskaya, Panachevskaya, Sagaiskaya, Salbinskaya , Tashtypskaya, Tesinskaya, Tigritskaya, Ust-Abakanskaya non-Russian, Shalabolinskaya, Shushenskaya volosts.
Kansky district: Abanskaya, Aginskaya, Alexandrovskaya, Amanashenskaya, Antsirskaya, Vershino-Rybinskaya, Vydriskaya, Dolgo-Mostovskaya, Irbeyskaya, Kontorskaya, Kucherovskaya, Malo-Kamalinskaya, Perovskaya, Pereyaslovskaya, Rozhdestvenskaya, Rybinskaya, Sretenskaya, Semenovskaya, Talskaya, Taseevskaya, Uyarskaya, Fanachetskaya and Sheloevskaya volost.
Usinsk border district: Usinskaya volost.
LOCAL HISTORY WORK
I. Approximate topics of classes
1. Russian development of the territory of the Yenisei region.
2. Siberian settlements: types, development.
3. Our village (village, city) in the past and present. Excursion to memorable places.
4. Workshop. Execution of a drawing plan for a village, town, urban area.
II. Terms and concepts
Village, village, settlement, elan, zaimka, zaimishche, pochinok, tract, village “single-breed” and “mixed-breed”, free development, ordinary, street, block, poskotina (outskirts).
III. Dialogue
Develop a logical chain of origin and development of Siberian villages or a diagram-table of these processes. How many variants of similar processes can you identify? How do geographical features and landscapes affect rural settlements? What features did the founders of your city or village take into account when founding and planning your settlement? Try to draw a plan in the future, in 50 - 100 years. Justify your idea.
IV. Research
1. Describe the principle of the formation and development of the streets of your locality. What isolated areas (“edges”, “cuts”) do you have?
2. Determine on the ground the place where the construction of your village began and mark this place with a specially made memorial sign.
3. Make a list of the first inhabitants of your village. Which descendants of the first settlers live today?
4. Find and photograph (in general and in detail) all the oldest buildings in your locality. Describe them.
V. Creativity
Essays “A Day on the Zaimke”, “My Land” (“Kutok”, etc.).
Model of a village (city, fort) during the period of its origin.
Village development plan. Memorable places and buildings.
Street photographs. Photopanorama of the village. Public buildings, trading shops of the old village, school, “volost”.
Toponymy of streets, villages, surroundings.
SIBERIAN PEASANT COMMUNITY
SOCIETY"
At the initial stage of agricultural development of the Siberian region, with the raising of arable land and the development of land in a new place, labor land communities arose, uniting mostly family-related groups or partnerships. As development progressed, family and kinship groups formed into communities. The thousand-year experience of community life was revived here not only as a tradition, but also as a necessity in regulating relations between individual household units. At the same time, there was a revival of the community features of the pre-serfdom period.
The Siberian community had a number of specific functions.
The Siberian community was a closed world of full-fledged citizens of “their” community - old-timers. The community collectively resisted the outside world of the state and the settlers. The community defended the interests of its members, but at the same time, as in “Russia,” it was responsible on the terms of mutual responsibility for the performance of duties to the state. Community members had many features of “police consciousness.”
The community acted as a collective user of state land, determined the order and allocated land to communal peasants, and defended the boundaries of land holdings in disputes with neighboring communities. But in Siberia there was no redistribution of communal lands, the “peace” did not interfere in the individual economic activities of householders. The highest status of personal labor, individualism, a sense of ownership and freedom gave rise in Siberia to the possibility of selling, renting, and inheriting arable land in the community. The community shared the use of land: pastures, meadows, forests, cedar forests, and fishing “places.”
“Prudent peasants, gradually cutting down all the tree species for their needs, leave the cedar as a fruit tree... During the summer, cedar groves are protected not only from fires, but also so that one of their own or others does not spoil the tree... and there is a collection of cedar nuts on a community basis."
In the community, the rights and responsibilities of peasants were closely linked: rights gave rise to responsibilities, and vice versa. The community here not only did not interfere with the growth of prosperity on a labor basis, or new “borrowed” arable land, but also supported the weak, wretched, orphans, and helped in case of fires, natural disasters, and crop failures.
The Siberian community became a cell with characteristic structures of civil society relations in the conditions of the rigid bureaucratic system of the Russian Empire. The full rights of old-timers, self-government, the supremacy of customary law within the framework of their “society”, the highest demands of the community on a person, and the person on himself, the high status of women, high activity in community affairs, collegial approval of decisions with a high level of independence of the individual were both a condition and a consequence of the peculiarities of the peasant world of Siberia.
In the Russian community, despite the outward unanimity, the conflict between the individual and the collective was constantly smoldering. “The overwhelming majority of the population have always had tenacious traditions of collectivism and mutual assistance, although any peasant at the same time never lost his natural craving for a personal, private way of farming,” rightly notes the modern Russian historian A.V. Milov.
The community in European Russia suppressed “personal rebellion” and in every possible way reinforced the image of “We” through a developed “secular” system of social support, self-government, and land use. At the same time, individual members of this community with a pronounced “Image of Self,” coming into conflict with “We,” tried to gain economic, spiritual, legal and political independence. The outflow of the peasant population to the east became the basis of the emerging Siberian peasantry.
There were practically no cases of mass collective resettlement of an entire community or village. The history of the development of the territory beyond the Urals proves that the individual-family form of resettlement to Siberia was overwhelming. In 1886 in the village. Komsky Balakhta volost of 178 men who had the right to vote at the meeting were: Ananins - 60, Kirillovs - 40, Rostovtsevs - 28, Chernovs - 12, Sirotinins - 11, Spirins - 11, Yushkovs - 9 people; only 7 men were not part of these family “microcorporations”. We must not forget that most families have become related over many decades based on marriage ties.
The prevalence of the old-timer’s “I-image” was consolidated, first of all, in the fact that individualism took the leading place. A.P. wrote about this. Shchapov: “Everyone lives separately, ... the collective principle is underdeveloped.” The prevalence of individualism became the basis for pronounced competition - competition between householders in work, behavior, arrangement of the estate, and in the appearance of household members. In the struggle for survival in conditions of competition, Siberians developed “amazing endurance and perseverance, ... extraordinary tolerance in work, courage in danger.” Having formed as a family, the Siberian community during its formation clearly defined the priorities of the personal and the “worldly” across the entire range of problems.
Siberians divided the world into “theirs” and “Russian people”, into “theirs” and officials. The peasant world closed under pressure from the authorities, and the community became its own society for the peasants. It is no coincidence that in Siberia the community was called “society” by the peasants. The Siberian population was a community of self-governing “societies.”
Communities in structure were both simple - within the boundaries of individual villages, and complex - from several villages. But even in a complex community, each village had its own self-government, which delegated representatives to the bodies of the entire community. The territorial registration of land holdings of “societies” dates back to the end of the 18th century in the Yenisei region. Since the possessions were very extensive, until the 20th century. The villages were located on average no closer than 5 to 15 versts from each other.
The “society” had full rights to dispose of state land within the boundaries of its possessions. For a long time, the world only stated the size of the land holdings of householders, which depended on the family’s labor capabilities. At the end of the 19th century. The state determined the allotment norm at 15 dessiatines per male soul. Allotments per soul were due to males from the age of 17. However, the peasant household also had borrowed lands, arable lands raised by the labor of their ancestors, rented and purchased lands. Land in Siberia was sold, but only cultivated land; rather, the labor invested in its development was sold here. At the same time, when the arable land was sold, the responsibility for paying duties was transferred to another owner, and neither the state nor “society” lost from this. Until the end of the 19th century. there was unlimited land use and ownership. Until our time, fields, tracts, forest lands, and ravines are called by the names of communal peasants everywhere.
PUBLIC CONSENT"
The gathering of community members - “public consent” - was the highest body of “society”. At the gathering, all the old-timers were equal in rights, but the wise, highly moral, talented peasants in arable farming enjoyed the greatest authority. At the gatherings, officials were elected, reports from “elected” officials and financial reports were heard, taxation of householders was approved, and disputes and litigation between peasants were resolved. Here they were punished for violating moral norms, traditions, petty crimes, etc. The village gathering usually met 10–16 times a year, more often in winter than in summer.
The elected officials of the “society” were the headman, salarymen, counters, members of various commissions, messengers, petitioners, sotskys, tens, etc. From the “Sentence” of the rural society of the village of Drokina, Zaledeevsky volost, Krasnoyarsk district, we learn that in 1819 “for review cleanliness and tidiness of courtyards and streets... among the women they chose Anna Ivanova Bykasova, who has good behavior”; in the village of Emelyanova they chose “Nastasya Yakovleva Oreshnikova, who has good behavior and is capable of performing the designated service”; in the village of Ustinova “they chose the peasant wife Vasilisa Timofeeva Goloshchapova as a purity watcher...”.
When choosing an official, the assembly gave a characteristic motivating this choice, for example: “... He has good behavior, is thrifty in the household, skillful in arable farming, has never been fined or punished, and can correct the position assigned to him”; “He is of good behavior, has housekeeping and arable farming, is married, has not been fined or punished.”
At the end of the term, the assembly thanked for the honest and conscientious performance of duties and issued a certificate:
“He behaved decently, treated his subordinates with decency, kindness and condescension. During the proceedings, he complied with his duty of oath. He presented and handed over the money correctly. He did not accept any harm from anyone and did not inflict it on anyone, and no one brought any complaints against him, therefore he earned himself fair gratitude from society, whom he will henceforth accept in worldly circles as a person worthy of honor.”
When choosing a trusted “petitioner” from the world, the assembly issued a power of attorney: “We have entrusted you with the trouble... on behalf of the peasants with the following humble request...”. The society issued “feeding” passports to all peasants who traveled outside the volost for one reason or another.
DUTIES
During the heyday of the Siberian community, in the second half of the 19th century, the duties of communal peasants were divided into state, zemstvo and “worldly-public”, and in content - into natural and monetary. N.M. Yadrintsev counted at the end of the 19th century. The peasants of the Minusinsk district have about 20 monetary and 11 in-kind duties. In the Yenisei province, when determining the amount of monetary duties, it was customary to consider state taxes as 100%, and zemstvo taxes as 80.1% of their amount. But in general terms, the largest was the amount of secular fees and the value of natural duties in monetary terms. In-kind duties included coachman duties, provision of horses and carts, road repairs, community work, and heating of boards.
The society paid for the “public” services of elected officials and for the performance of services by watchmen, guards, wardens, etc. From secular collections the maintenance of the “infirm” was carried out; often, the gathering, without humiliating the dignity of a person in the case of disability, orphanhood, mental disability, appointed them to the services within their power - messengers, shepherds, watchmen, with appropriate pay.
Taxation was most often carried out on the principle of taking into account the labor capabilities of the economy. The draft souls were divided into 3–4 categories: “fighters”, “semi-fighters”, “poor people”. At the same time, the “poor people,” due to old age, illness, or loneliness, were completely or partially exempted from taxes, with their share being transferred to the “fighters.” According to the calculations of historian V.A. Stepynin, on a peasant “fighter” of the Yenisei province at the end of the 19th century. accounted for monetary obligations of up to 28 rubles per year. 32 kopecks
In the Siberian community, rights gave rise to responsibilities. If a householder wanted to have large plots, additional mowing, forest plots, he received them with the condition of increasing duties. According to contemporaries, the old-time peasant was proud of the title of “fighter” - a full taxpayer, since this was an expression of his self-sufficiency, prosperity, equality and high status in solving worldly affairs.
Using worldly funds, the community built churches, schools, and medical posts, purchased medicines, paid teachers, and supported peasant children in educational institutions.
ACCESSION TO THE "SOCIETY"
The community accepted new members based on the decision of the meeting. The settler lived in the village for a certain time, using all the communal lands, “fishing places”, berry fields, and forest lands for a fee. Starting to settle down and engage in arable farming, the immigrant had to prove himself in work and behavior on the positive side. If “society wanted” to include him among “their own”, then it was a sentence.
Worldly sentence
We, the undersigned, of the Yenisei province of the Achinsk district of the Uzhur volost of the village of Soksinskaya, peasants who have not been on trial, being at a secular meeting, carried out this sentence on March 28, 1876, about the reception of Zakhar Vasilyev Vlasov, 24 years old, with his wife Anna Filippova, 21 years old, and born... Avdotya 4 years old, Maria 1 ½ years old and mother Feedosya Matveeva Vlasova 70 years old on the Wednesday of our society. The state-owned peasant Zakhar Vasilyev Vlasov, living in our village, behaves decently, has not been on trial, has started a housekeeping business for himself... They were sentenced to accept... into the midst of our society for permanent residence.”
To be included in the “society”, the migrant peasant paid:
1. For the acceptance agreement 30 rubles.
2. Treat for the community 7 rubles.
3. Postage and stamp charges RUR 3.
4. Social activists and elders 3 rubles.
5. Village clerk 3 rubles per petition.
6. Volost clerk 4 rubles.
Total: 50 rub.
In this case, this was the way to be included in the “society” in the village of Idzha, Shushenskaya volost, Minusinsk district, Yenisei province. The community accepted new settlers, first of all, if there was a sufficient amount of free land. But at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries. the state began to oblige the forced admission of migrants into the community, especially if surplus land was discovered in excess of the 15-acre allotment per male capita.
RELATIONS IN "SOCIETY"
The Siberian village lived in conditions of stable harmony of relations, coexistence of personal and common interests. When making decisions on specific issues, the assembly was guided by more traditional rules, the “unwritten laws” of their grandfathers, norms of conscience and morality. Government laws and regulations were viewed with distrust as an attempt to invade the rights of their world. This is very eloquently evidenced by the document - Order of the Minusinsk land police officer to the Zherbat village foreman No. 1447 dated April 11, 1860. “You bastard foreman! If you do not deliver to me within 24 hours, by my order dated the 8th of January of this year for No. 115, the required statement about the construction of houses and other things, then a messenger will be sent to request the statement for the run at your expense.”
Society severely condemned and punished those who committed offenses, and he was allowed to exercise certain judicial functions. This concerned proceedings regarding petty theft, destruction of crops, division of property, and hooliganism. During the investigation, the headman and witnesses paid special attention to the evidence: “There is no challenge to a red-handed person,” they said in Siberia (red-handed - a witness, a thing, etc.). Relatives of the accused could not act as witnesses.
Fines occupied a special place in the punishment system. They were also punished with a “worldly punishment,” imprisonment in a “punishment cell” (“chizhovka”) on bread and water, and as a last resort, excommunication from “society.” In the decisions of specific cases we find “prejudicial actions”: insolence in the world, obscenity, slander, drunkenness, rowdiness, dissolute behavior, obscenity, litigation, as well as negative characteristics - “a week person”, “a backbiter”, “does not respect society” .
Contemporaries noted that crimes in Siberian villages were extremely rare. Various “litigations” occur more often, but the gathering tried to reconcile the peasants. The reconciliation “to drink wine together” was accepted.
Public opinion harshly condemned those who were rowdy in the family, were considered lazy, and disrespected their elders. The assembly also punished for cutting down forests, violating fire safety measures, humiliating personal dignity and insulting an accomplice.
Violation of generally accepted rules of farming, delaying agricultural work, and, above all, delaying the grain harvest were especially condemned. They condemned those whose fields were overgrown with weeds, those who were careless with livestock, with order and cleanliness in the house. Such community members faced censure, ridicule, and caustic nicknames. Traditionally, arrogance, arrogance, foul language, rudeness and intemperance, and sloppiness in clothing were not “honored.”
For constant, cynical violation of generally accepted norms and rules of behavior, “society” forced a person to leave the village. However, people striving for permissiveness and “searching for easy money”, cut off from family and home (“you-rod-ki”), easily went to the mines to pan for gold, to the highway or to the city. But this happened extremely rarely: the peasant world was quite wise and patient in instilling traditional principles in a person from early childhood. The world collectively taught to respect old people, to honor their wisdom, to perceive norms of behavior as a conscious necessity, to respect another person and accept him as he is. “Society” was condescending towards “eccentrics and eccentricities.” The community acted together to defend “their own” if a threat or insult came from the outside - from an official, from a migrant bastard.
The community was united by joint holidays - “congress”, “temple”, “eves”. All religious and secular holidays were celebrated together, with abundant treats and joint “festivities”. Rural weddings, Maslenitsa roller coaster rides and troika rides were crowded and fun. The “society” as a whole saw off the deceased person on his last journey and supported relatives in difficult times. In Siberia, visiting “graves” on Parents’ Day resulted in the unity of one big family...
Thus, the Siberian community was the greatest value of culture and social life.
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