Soldatova G.U. Psychology of interethnic tension - file n1.doc

Deputy Head of the Department of Personality Psychology. Head of specialization "Psychology of negotiations and conflict resolution". Coordinator of the Faculty of Psychology for Public Relations and Media.

Corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Education (2010). Laureate of the Prize of the Government of the Russian Federation in the field of education (2010). She was awarded the gratitude of the Minister of Telecom and Mass Communications of the Russian Federation (2010). Awarded for many years of fruitful work in the field of education with the medal of K.D. Ushinsky (2011).

In 1980 she graduated from the Department of Psychology of the Faculty of Philosophy of the Rostov State University, in 1985 - postgraduate studies at the Institute of Psychology of the USSR Academy of Sciences. She defended her Ph.D. thesis on "Ethnic stereotypes in the system of interethnic relations" (1985). In 2001, at the Faculty of Psychology of Moscow State University, a doctoral thesis was defended on the topic "Psychology of interethnic tension in a situation of social instability."

Scientific interests

Psychology of interethnic relations, psychology of intercultural communications, psychology of identity, conflict and interethnic tension, psychology of migration, psychology of xenophobia, psychology of tolerance, psychology of negotiations, research on the socio-psychological aspects of the influence of the Internet on the development of the individual and society.

teaching

Lecture courses: "Psychology of interethnic tension", "Psychology of intercultural communications", "Fundamentals of the psychology of negotiations", "Theory and practice of negotiation", "Cultural and historical psychology of conflict".

Special workshops "Methods of group psychological work", "Methods for studying and diagnosing the psychological stability of a person", "Basic negotiation skills", "Intercultural competence of a person".

Topics of diploma works defended under the guidance of G.V. Soldier:

	scientific adviser	Student name	Topic of the thesis
2003
1.	Soldatova G.V.	Dumnova A.A.	Study of ethnic and racial attitudes among residents of Moscow
2004
2.	Soldatova G.V.	Kanchukova I. S.	The role of combat operations in changing personality attitudes
3.	Soldatova G.V.	Kachanovskaya A.V.	Tolerance training as a tool for increasing the socio-cultural competence of the individual
4.	Soldatova G.V.	Kayumova I. E.	Analysis of tolerant and intolerant behavior in youth subculture
5.	Soldatova G.V.	Kerusova E. I.	Experiencing a Crisis Situation as a Source of Personality Development
6.	Soldatova G.V.	Martynova N.V.	Personal development in youth subcultures
7.	Soldatova G.V.	Terekhova E. S.	Gender-role stereotypes and tolerance (on the example of representatives of groups with different sexual orientation)
8.	Soldatova G.V.	Padalko E.V.	The Genesis of Personal Identity in the Process of Socialization
2005 year
9.		Egorova E. Yu.	Psychological analysis of the role of the value of life in the behavior of a suicide bomber
10.	Leontiev A.A., Shaigerova L.A., Soldatova G.V.	Zafesova D. Yu.	Protective mechanisms of personality in the perception of information about a terrorist act
11.	Soldatova G.V.	Popkova T. A.	The influence of education on the formation of tolerant and intolerant attitudes of the individual
12.	Soldatova G.V.	Poyarkova E. A.	Formation of ideas about the family in children in Afghan and Russian cultures
13.	Soldatova G.V.	Filileeva E. V.	The role of age-psychological characteristics in the formation of xenophobic attitudes of the individual
14.	Soldatova G.V.	Lobanova Yu.A.	Xenophobic attitudes in teenage subculture
15.	Soldatova G.V.	Peleshenko M. A.	Dynamics of Ethnic Tolerance of a Person under the Influence of Information about Extreme Situations
16.	Soldatova G.V.	Pozdnyakova E. V.	Personal adaptation strategies in a foreign cultural environment (on the example of foreigners living in Russia)
17.	Soldatova G.V.	Ryzhkova A.Yu.	Age features of the formation of tolerance and social trust of the individual
2006
18.	Soldatova G.V.	Flomina M.V.	Value orientations of a person in different cultures
19.	Soldatova G.V.	Belyaeva N. A.	Psychological analysis of attitudes towards suicide in risk groups
20.	Soldatova G.V.	Gadzhieva A. M.	Cross-cultural aspects of the problem of the fear of death and the formation of xenophobic attitudes of the individual
21.	Soldatova G.V.	Sementsova L.V.	Defense mechanisms as an indicator of the level of personality development
22.	Soldatova G.V.	Khokhlova O. A.	Comparative Analysis of Personal Values ​​in Armenian and Russian Cultures
23.	Soldatova G.V.	Kyriakos Philipou	Formation of self-concept in drug addicted adolescents
24.	Soldatova G.V.	Gushchina A.V.	Psychological stability of the individual in different cultures
25.	Soldatova G.V.	Stepchenkova I.S.	Professional Development of Personality and Life Satisfaction (Based on Russian and Afghan Samples)
26.	Soldatova G.V.	Shirochenkova S. A.	Impact of a terrorist attack on the mental health of the civilian population
27.	Soldatova G.V.	Bogatyreva M.Kh.	Psychological analysis of the ancestral syndrome
2007
28.	Soldatova G.V.	Vinogradov I.I.	The study of personal characteristics of representatives of youth club culture
29.	Soldatova G.V.	Vyskrebentseva Yu.E.	Intercultural communicative competence of a person
30.	Soldatova G.V.	Gavrilov S.V.	Features of self-actualization of personality in transnational corporations
31.	Soldatova G.V.	Krutko A.K.	The influence of religiosity on the psychological stability of the individual
32.	Soldatova G.V.	Obrezkova T.I.	Analysis of the image of beauty among representatives of different generations
33.	Soldatova G.V.	Ruleva V.A.	The influence of various life situations on the psycho-emotional state of the individual
34.	Soldatova G.V.	Tyan A.N.	Dynamics of xenophobic attitudes among football fans
35.	Soldatova G.V.	Body V.K.	Features of business virtual communication in the organization
2008
36.	Soldatova G.V.	Belova A.S.	Genesis of the psychological opposition "We-They"
37.	Soldatova G.V.	Volchanskaya Yu.K.	Features of the formation of the psychological opposition "We-They" in the teenage subculture
38.	Soldatova G.V.	Zaitsev A.A.	The influence of corporate culture on the value sphere of the manager's personality
39.	Soldatova G.V.	Zvyagintsev I.V.	Features of time perception among active Internet users
40.	Soldatova G.V.	Zolotareva S.S.	The phenomenon of justice among representatives of different religions
41.	Soldatova G.V.	Trifonov N.A.	The influence of textual and visual information on the formation of the image of the enemy
42.	Soldatova G.V.	Cherkashin A.A.	The personality of the negotiator in the modern psychology of negotiations.
year 2009
43.	Soldatova G.V.	Baskakova L.V.
44.	Soldatova G.V.,	Kropaleva E.Yu.
45.	Soldatova G.V.,	Romanova E.A
46.	Soldatova G.V.	Tikhonov P.V.
47.	Soldatova G.V.	Savchuk E.A.
48.	Soldatova G.V.	Dmitrieva A.Yu.
49.	Soldatova G.V., Nestik T.A.	Arkhipova K.B.	Psychological factors in the formation of the social capital of the individual.
2010
50.	Soldatova G.V.	Dyachek A. A.
51.	Soldatova G.V.	Lebesheva M. I.
2011
52.	Soldatova G.V.	Mnatsakanyan M. A.
53.	Soldatova G.V.	Eloyan E. A.
54.	Soldatova G.V.	Ishchenko M. A.
55.	Soldatova G.V.	Sikharulidze E. B	value orientations in biethnic families
56	Soldatova G.V.	Suzdaltseva A.S.	The Relationship between Ethnic Identity and the Level of Personality Xenophobia in Russian Youth
year 2012
57.	Soldatova G.V.	Altunina N.E.
58.	Soldatova G.V.	Gorskaya Yu.V.
year 2013
59.	Soldatova G.V.	Golovanova A.A.
60.	Soldatova G.V.	Istrunina D.E.
year 2014
61.	Soldatova G.V.	Anufrienko A. A.
61.	Soldatova G.V.	Yarmina A.N.
62.	Soldatova G.V.	Gasimov A.F.

PhD theses defended under the guidance of G.V. Soldatova

1. Shaigerova L.A. Psychology of Personal Identity in a Situation of Forced Migration. M., 2002.
2. Bageri M. Sociocultural dynamics of the mental health of a person in a situation of intentional and forced migration. M., 2005
3. Panteleev A.B. Psychological and pedagogical technologies for the adaptation of children and adolescents from migrant families in the education system. M., 2007
4. Zhiganov B.A. On the role of social competence of the individual in improving the efficiency of managerial personnel in the education system. M., 2007.
5. , . 2010
6. . 2011
7. Vorobieva K.A. The genesis of aggressive attitudes in the personality of adolescents from complete and incomplete families. 2012

Participation in scientific projects

She was the head of more than 20 research projects and practical programs (UNHCR, MacArthur Foundation, Federal Target Programs of the Ministry of Education, National Training Foundation, Russian Humanitarian Foundation, United Way Charitable Organization, National Training Foundation, etc.)

Practical work experience

Many years of experience in conducting field psychological, ethno-sociological and cross-cultural research; organization of the country's first psychological assistance service for forced migrants and refugees from far abroad; experience in psychological counseling and psychotherapy of forced migrants and refugees from near and far abroad, as well as their adaptation and rehabilitation to a different socio-cultural environment ; experience in organizing psychological assistance to victims in emergency situations; development and implementation of tolerance trainings, intercultural competence trainings, prevention of xenophobia, reduction of aggressiveness and conflict resolution with children of different age groups, with students, teachers and representatives of other social groups; conducting nationwide population surveys on the use of the Internet by children and adolescents, assessing the level of digital competence, organizing and managing the Children Online Helpline, telephone and online counseling on the problems of Internet use and safety for children and adolescents.

Publications

Main monographs:

• Democratization and images of nationalism in the Russian Federation in the 1990s. M., Thought, 1996 (co-authored by Drobizheva L.M., Koroteeva V.V.)
• Psychology of interethnic tension. M., Meaning, 1998.
• Different but equal. Big psychological games. M., Moscow State University, 2004. (Co-authored with Shaigerova L.A., Makarchuk A.V., Luta T.A.)
• Social competence of the class teacher: directing joint activities. M. Meaning, 2006. (co-authored with Asmolov A.G., Makarchuk A.V., Shlyapnikov V.N.)
• Methodology and technology for assessing social tension in the educational environment. M., ASOU, 2007. (co-authored with Stebakov D.A., Filileeva E.V., Khokhlova O.A.)
• Tolerance as a factor in counteracting xenophobia (Chapter 1 "Methodology of Social Construction of Tolerance and Risk Management of Xenophobia in a Multipolar World" (co-authored by V.A. Lektorsky, V.F. Petrenko, T.A. Nestik, L.A. Shaigerova). Moscow: Nauka Publishing House, edited by Yu.P. Zinchenko and A.V. Loginov, 2011.
• Caught in the same net. Socio-psychological analysis of the ideas of children and adolescents about the Internet. M.: Internet Development Fund, 2011, 176 p. (Co-authored with Zotova E.Yu., Gostimskaya O.S.)
• Children of Russia online. Results of the international project EUKIDSONLINEII in Russia. M., 2012. (Co-authored with E. Zotova, M. Lebesheva, P. Roggendorf) http://detionline.com/assets/files/helpline/Final_Report_05-29-11.pdf
• Soldatova G., Nestik T., Rasskazova E., Zotova E. Digital competence of Russian adolescents and parents: results of a nationwide study. - Internet Development Foundation, Moscow, 2013. - P. 144. (Co-authored with Nestik T., Rasskazova E., Zotova E.)

Basic teaching aids and manuals:

• Live in peace with yourself and with others. Tolerance training for teenagers. (Training program). M., Genesis, 2000. (Co-authored with Shaigerova L.A., Sharova O.V.).
• Psychological assistance to migrants. Trauma, culture change, identity crisis. M., Meaning, 2002. (Co-authored with Shaigerova L.A., Kalinenko V.K., Kravtsova O.A.).
• Let others be different. Tolerance training for the prevention and overcoming of migrant phobia. (Training program). M., Moscow State University, 2002. (Co-authored with Makarchuk A.V., Shaigerova L.A., Shchepina A.I., Khukhlaev O.E.).
• Trainings to improve intercultural competence. M., MGU., 2004. (Co-authored with Makarchuk A.V., Shaigerova L.A.).
• Tolerance training. M., Moscow State University. 2005. (Co-authored with Shaigerova L.A., Makarchuk A.V., Shchepina A.I., Khukhlaev A.E., Luta T.A.).
• Can the other become a friend? Xenophobia Prevention Training. (training program). M., Genesis, 2006. (Co-authored with Makarchuk A.V.).
• Training for improving the social competence of teaching staff. M., ASOU, 2006 (Co-authored with Makarchuk A.V., Luta T.A., Shlyapnikov V.N., Shchepina A.I.).
• Psychodiagnostics of personality tolerance. M., Smysl., 2007. (Co-authored with Shaigerova L.A., Prokofieva T.Yu.).
• The art of living with the dissimilar: the psychotechniques of tolerance. M.: Muscovy, 2009. (co-authored with Shaigerova L.A., Makarchuk A.V.).
• Internet: opportunities, competencies, security. Methodical manual for employees of the general education system. Lectures. Part 1 - Center for Book Culture Gutenberg Moscow, 2013. - P. 165. (Co-authored with E. Zotova, M. Lebesheva, V. Shlyapnikov).
• Internet: opportunities, competencies, security. Methodical manual for employees of the general education system. Workshop. Part 2 - Center for Book Culture Gutenberg Moscow, 2013. - P. 137. (Co-authored with E. Zotova, M. Lebesheva, V. Shlyapnikov).

Section I Theoretical basis for the study of interethnic tensions

Section II

Principles and methods of empirical research of the psychology of interethnic relations

Conclusion: main conclusions

Interethnic tension became the main characteristic of relations between the peoples of the Russian Federation in the 1990s. It has become a significant factor in the development of dialogue between the Center and the republics, largely determining the socio-psychological atmosphere in society.

Based on the results of the studies presented in this paper, the main features of interethnic tension in the Russian republics were determined. They should be taken into account when developing strategies to prevent disintegration tendencies and ethnic conflicts in the Russian Federation.

Inter-ethnic tension is multi-subject and multi-level. Its subjects, as a rule, are not two, but several parties representing either different ethnic groups or inter-ethnic associations of the intra-republican or regional levels, whose interests contradict each other. But in the new socio-political conditions, the peoples of Russia are rather going through a stage of separation. Its psychological basis is the destruction of the level of identity that united the peoples of the Soviet Union. The subject of interethnic interaction is becoming more and more "primary". This applies not only to common civic identity, but also to regional and ethnic identities. The common identity does not even “break apart”, it “crumbles”. Differences not at the civilizational or national levels, but at the ethnic or even sub-ethnic ones acquire the main significance. For example, the feeling of a common “Caucasian” identity among the North Caucasian peoples has decreased, differentiation between ethnic groups and within ethnic groups has increased. Therefore, not individual republics, but their constituent peoples, should be considered as active subjects of activity and interaction in the North Caucasus. This moment must be taken into account when building a national politics in this region.

Features of the national-state structure of the former USSR determined the ability of inter-ethnic tension to radiate very quickly in society in the conditions of its democratization. The example of the North Caucasus shows that inter-ethnic tension, starting in the context of bilateral relations, in a short time covers the multinational population not only of the directly confronting republics, but also of their neighboring ones. Interethnic tension is an integral characteristic of a polyethnic system that has gone out of balance. And its detente, in particular in the North Caucasus, is impossible without a comprehensive settlement of the situation in the entire region. In addition, in high-risk areas, early monitoring is very important, allowing to measure the level of interethnic tension and identify the centers of its growth with the aim of timely localization.

The irradiation of tension is expressed in the emergence of group opposition within some elements of the system in response to the formation of specific areas of mass activity in its other elements. So, for example, in the North Caucasus, the rehabilitation activity of the peoples deported in the 1940s caused the activity of the forcibly resettled peoples; the activity of Islamism in the Muslim republics of the region determined a steady interest in Orthodoxy among the Ossetians and the Russian population. Group opposition also arises because of group aspirations for ethnic security. In the struggle for power, the national elites try to make full use of such aspirations and develop ways not of integration, but of isolation, which they see as a necessary condition in order to avoid interethnic clashes, stop the processes of ethnocultural assimilation, and revive cultures. In situations of interethnic tension, these ideas find wide response, as they rely on the needs for a positive ethnic identity and security that have come to the fore

Inter-ethnic tension structures the "energy" picture in relations between peoples along the axes of potentially conflicting ethno-social dimensions - "indigenous-non-indigenous", "majority-minority", "titular-non-titular". The "energy" picture is determined by

the basis of the psychological states of interacting groups. Thus, poles with relatively equal energy potential, poles of "strength" and "weakness" are determined, in accordance with which the roles of "leaders" and "followers", "masters" and "guests" are distributed. The results of empirical studies show that in the republics of Russia the main energy potential belongs to the titular peoples.

Tension is an induced phenomenon. Irradiating through the system, it covers, first of all, directly interacting groups. Their psychological states are closely related. In each local ethnic system, the level of tension is set by the "indigenous", "titular" majority. In this case, the "weaker" "minorities" seem to strive to "catch up" with the more "strong" ones in terms of their psychological indicators. Thus, Russians in the republics “follow” “their” titular peoples. This trend is not directly related to intergroup confrontation. This is also happening in North Ossetia-Alania, where the vast majority of Russians are a neutral side in the Ossetian-Ingush conflict. In the North Caucasus, where politically and socially active Cossacks stand out among the Russian-speaking population, the Russian-speaking population “follows” the Cossacks in terms of their psychological indicators of the level of interethnic tension.

In accordance with the above, the working definition of inter-ethnic tension given in Chapter 1 has been supplemented and specified as follows. Interethnic tension is a multi-subject, multi-level and dynamic socio-psychological phenomenon that can quickly radiate according to the principles of induction and group opposition. Interethnic tension is the psychological basis of disintegration processes between peoples. An understanding of these processes is necessary to develop strategies for the prevention and management of ethnic conflicts.

The main theoretical provisions describing interethnic tension as a socio-psychological phenomenon and revealing the psychological basis of ethno-nationalism and the basis of disintegration processes in a multi-ethnic society are as follows.

- Inter-ethnic tension restructures intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic relations between peoples. These transformations are of a psychological nature and are expressed in

the form of an ethnic boundary separating and differentiating ethnic groups. With the leading role of national elites, ethnic groups are being restructured from within, concentrating their efforts on the creation and strengthening of ethnic boundaries, on the basis of which, in turn, relations between peoples are restructured. As inter-ethnic tension grows, ethnic boundaries become more and more artificial, and the issue of the ethno-cultural diversity of groups is replaced by the problem of the development of contradictions between their demands.

Ethnicity is the main tool by which an ethnic group manages to delineate reliable and visible boundaries. This is a form of social identity, which is of particular importance in a multi-ethnic society during periods of crisis in its development. In this case, ethnicity as the central cognitive-motivational construct of ethnic self-consciousness becomes the most important basis for intragroup and intergroup interaction and the prism through which the surrounding world is refracted. Performing the function of intra-ethnic integration, ethnicity has an impact on the development of disintegration tendencies in society as a whole.

- Within the group itself, relations are being transformed on the basis of increased solidarity, ethnopolitical and ethnocultural mobilization. Its methods are determined by the ethno-cultural and ethno-psychological characteristics of the group and the conative (behavioral) structures of ethnicity formed on their basis. For example, in the context of growing interethnic tension, such qualities as isolation and traditionalism of the North Caucasian cultures “launch” an important protective mechanism of a regressive nature: they determine the “withdrawal” of cultures back into the traditional ethnocultural niche and actualize traditional regulatory mechanisms. Such qualities as communality and regimentation contribute to consolidation, dictate the need for participation and mobilization of everyone in the face of a threat to ethnic security. Radicalism and androcentrism determine the preference for forceful methods of resolving conflict situations.

- Through various forms of ethno-political mobilization, a restructuring is taking place in the system of interethnic relations. In addition to common in the 1990s. forms of ethnopolitical mobilization for the peoples of Russia - the desire for state independence and cultural revival, there are specific areas of group activity. For example, in the North Caucasus, these are rehabilitation activity, Islamism, militarization, activity of solidarity along ethnic lines. They largely determine the development of interethnic interactions and are intensively used by local elites to retain power.

– “Ethnic” refraction of ontological needs for identity and security forms the need for ethnicity, which has three sides and generates three groups of motives associated with the needs for ethnicity, positive ethnic identity and ethnic security. Ethnicity is one of the means of adjustment and orientation in the modern world, it is also a way to get out and achieve certain goals. Through the pursuit of a positive ethnic identity, the individual seeks to increase his own self-esteem, prestige and status of his group. Realization of the need for ethnic security involves the creation of conditions that ensure the preservation, reproduction and free development of this ethnic community as an independent ethno-cultural and spiritual whole. At the present stage, the need for ethnic security for the peoples of the North Caucasus is more significant than, for example, association for political reasons or on the basis of a single religion. As inter-ethnic tension grows, the need for ethnic identity becomes the most important aspect of the integrated need for multiple social identities. In this case, the realization of this general need is impossible without partial or complete satisfaction of the need for ethnicity. The states of dissatisfaction caused by the frustration of group needs for a positive ethnic identity and ethnic security are the deepest grounds for the growth of interethnic tension. With the leading role of national elites, these needs play an important role in the restructuring and mobilization of the ethnic group.

- In the context of growing inter-ethnic tension, the protective psychological mechanisms of ethnic groups as independent and integral subjects of activity are activated. The basis of their activation is a violation of the compensatory connection between the collective unconscious and consciousness. They perform regulatory and compensatory functions in the process of mutual adaptation of groups to each other in problem situations. Universal intercultural defense mechanisms are social-perceptual mechanisms that regulate intergroup perception. Among them: accumulation and stability of negative information, selectivity of perception on an emotional basis, strengthening of intergroup and reduction of intragroup differences, generalization of emotions according to ethnic criteria, transfer of responsibility and guilt to other groups and external circumstances, underestimation or overestimation of differences in cultures, emotional inversion, negative projection.

In addition to universal social-perceptual mechanisms, specific defense mechanisms may be characteristic of different cultures. Such a mechanism for the peoples of the North Caucasus is regression, which determines, as it were, the return of an ethnic group to earlier stages of its development. At the behavioral level, this, in particular, is expressed in the resuscitation of the clan-clan structure of society and traditional patterns of behavior, in a surge of religious activity, and in an increase in the number of endogamous marriages.

- Interethnic tension as a dynamic phenomenon is characterized by periods of growth and decline in tension. This is expressed in a change in the psychological state of interacting ethnic groups and ethnomobilization processes in society. The study of interethnic tension in the range from hidden background tension to manifestations of aggression and violence in relations between peoples determined the allocation of four phases: latent, frustration, conflict and crisis. The transition to the next phase means each time the achievement of certain critical milestones, the assessment of which is necessary to diagnose the level of interethnic tension and prevent its further growth. As interethnic tension moves from the stage of latent (background) tension through frustration to conflict and crisis, protective psychological mechanisms take on extreme forms.

– The growth of interethnic tension and the activation of ethnomobilization processes at the psychological level are expressed in the following: (a) there is a growing dissatisfaction of group needs for a positive ethnic identity and ethnic security; (b) the status of ethnicity rises in the structure of group social identity; (c) ethnic self-consciousness is transformed by the type of hyperethnicity, negative images crystallize; (d) the number of ethnically intolerant people is growing; (e) the distance between ethnic images is reduced and

real actions. These are the main indicators of the level of interethnic tension, which have their own critical values ​​depending on its phase.

Based on the comparison of the listed indicators in various situations of interethnic tension, critical points of its transition from one phase to another were empirically identified, including in the conditions of a change in the frustration phase of interethnic tension to a conflict, upon reaching which manifestations of aggression and violence between peoples are possible. In this regard, the following empirical results were obtained, revealing the socio-psychological basis for the transition of interethnic tension into violent conflicts.

– The level of satisfaction with the needs for a positive ethnic identity and ethnic security lags behind their growth. As a result, firstly, the manifestation of ethno-affiliative, status and archetypal motives increases among the majority of representatives of the ethnic group, and secondly, the level of mass neuroticism and frustration increases, the source of which is other ethnic groups. The more pronounced these motives and the lower the level of mass neuroticism and frustration, the higher the indicators of intragroup solidarity, an important psychological basis for ethnomobilization processes. Indicators of ethnic solidarity - the awareness of intra-ethnic consolidation and the perception of one's group as an integral and independent subject, including as a subject of power, the desire to remain members of the group, the level of intra-group affection and the degree of satisfaction from participation in the group - are more pronounced among the titular peoples compared to the Russian population republics. This reflects the main vector of development of interethnic tension: the growing intensity of ethnomobilization processes in the republics of the Russian Federation on the part of the titular peoples. Frustration of the need for ethnic identity, combined with post-traumatic stress in such a category of forced migrants as refugees, are the main reasons for their characteristic neurotic maladaptation.

- Raising the status of ethnicity in the structure of group social identity leads to an increase in the level of ethno-political mobilization of consciousness. The formation of new identities of the peoples of Russia occurs through changes in the internal hierarchical structure of their consciousness. In the 1990s the place of the "Soviet man", once the main "ideological" category, was taken by ethnic

belonging. In the changing Russian society, ethnicity turned out to be the most accessible and relevant form of group psychological consolidation in conditions of social uncertainty. In terms of significance, it immediately follows the categories of private life, joining with the basic affiliations (family, gender, professional, age) - the main pillars of adaptation and survival in times of crisis in the development of society. Raising the status of ethnicity in the structure of social identity, primarily among the titular peoples of the republics of the Russian Federation, is a compensation for the split and lost its former significance of common civic identity. The significance of ethnicity increases in line with the growing desire of peoples for independence and intensifies in the process of confrontation with other peoples. Against the background of the strengthening of the role of ethnicity in the structure of social identity, which was characteristic in the 1990s. for a significant part of the population of Russia, the violation of the mechanisms of ethnic identification among refugees sharply reduces the possibility of their integration into another culture.

– The basis for changing ethnic self-awareness by the type of hyper-ethnicity and crystallization of negative images is the transformation of ethnic stereotypes into prejudices and prejudices, a decrease in the adequacy of perception and an increase in psychocultural distance, a decrease in common semantic zones of intercultural understanding, an increase in discrepancies between systems of value orientations and psychological universals, an increase in intensity hyperethnic or xenophobic reactions. All this determines the decrease in the level of ethnic tolerance of peoples not only in relation to the confrontational group, but also in relation to neutral groups or even to allied groups.

– Socio-psychological studies in the Russian republics (Tatarstan, North Ossetia-Alania, Sakha (Yakutia) and Tuva), conducted in 1994-1995, showed that even during the period of a surge in ethnicity, pronounced hyper-ethnic and xenophobic attitudes turned out to be characteristic only for a small the number of respondents. Among the Russian residents of these republics, the number of such persons varied from 1 to 5%, among the titular - from 3 to 9%. Nevertheless, these data suggest that the proportion of people with pronounced hyperethnic attitudes is not so insignificant as to be ignored. As interethnic tension grows, hyperethnicity becomes more and more characteristic of active and influential sections of the population in the republics of the Russian Federation - educated, relatively young and better socially and professionally arranged representatives of titular nationalities. The increased hyper-ethnicity of the titular peoples compared to the Russians is a reflection of their group desire to dominate their ethnic territory, greater association with their ethnic groups in a variety of ways.

The lesser hyper-ethnicity of Russians shows that ethnicity for them does not yet carry the high significance that it has for titular peoples. On the whole, the Russian republics seek, first of all, to preserve their social and professional status, the well-established division of employment spheres, and therefore demonstrate a higher level of ethnic tolerance. As a result, among Russian ethnically intolerant people, on average for all respondents, one and a half times less than among the titular peoples of the republics. But this is explained not so much by tolerance as a quality of the national character, but by the dictates of the ethno-social situation. Tolerance acts as a defense mechanism when, in order to adapt, Russians have to strive to understand the interests of the titular peoples.

The high intensity of xenophobic reactions is revealed in relation to “visitors” and, first of all, to forced migrants - refugees and migrants. This, in particular, is characteristic of North Ossetia-Alania and is clearly expressed in Moscow, where about half of all forced migrants settle. Our research has shown that the object of xenophobia is endowed with negative ethnic characteristics, even if it is of the same ethnicity as the respondents. Thus, Russian residents of Moscow, characterizing Russian refugees from Grozny, often referred them to the category of “persons of Caucasian nationality”, who, according to sociological surveys, have been ranked first on the scale of ethnic negativism over the past four years.

The growth of inter-ethnic tension leads to an increase in the number of nationals among the permanent residents of the republics and neurotic ethnophobes among the displaced persons. Moreover, their growth is not explicit, but hidden - the confrontational potential is growing - the number of passive nationals. The situation of protracted inter-ethnic tension reduces radicalist attitudes

group consciousness due to the fact that the conflict is suppressed and goes deeper. All this is a psychological potential for a future round of inter-ethnic tension.

– Ethnic intolerance can be the result of both external circumstances and personal characteristics. Ethnically intolerant persons are characterized by the following features: (a) in the hierarchical structure of social identity, ethnic identity occupies the place of the most important status category; (b) differentiation is expressed between images of one's own ethnic group and other groups; in the process of interethnic perception, emphasis is placed on differences; (c) high emotional involvement in ethno-contact situations; (d) the need for ethnic identity is expressed, which “from within” motivates them to strive to give their group a higher positive status, to raise its prestige; (e) the desire to distance themselves “from others” is expressed, especially in the sphere of informal relations; (f) propensity in interpersonal relations to the style of rivalry, which often falls into the category of approved behavioral strategies for this category of persons; (g) radicalism of consciousness, which, in particular, is expressed in the approval of violence as a form of social control in interethnic conflicts and the justification of human sacrifices for the sake of the idea of ​​sovereignty; (h) the choice of aggression as a way to resolve conflict situations; accordingly, the desire to resolve the situation in a conciliatory way is reduced. The listed psychological characteristics increase the density of ethnic boundaries and determine a qualitatively different behavior towards persons of other ethnic groups.

- An ethnic image turns into a psychological form of concentration of interethnic tension as it accumulates a negative emotional charge. This enhances its distortion (inadequacy), reduces cognitive complexity and internal differentiation. Negative images, accordingly, are more likely to generate aggressive or violent actions. Ethnic images are predominantly social constructions. Their content is "given" from the outside. But as they form, they begin to have independence and, among other factors, they themselves turn out to be an important reason for the more frequent “embodiment” of attitudes into actions. The actualization of the "ethnic" perspective of social perception in situations of interethnic tension also "straightens" the path from images to actions.

The situation of protracted inter-ethnic tension and the desire of peoples for independence, subject to their own statehood in the past and demographic dominance, determines the relatively high acceptability of aggressive or violent actions against other groups. Manifestations of negative attitudes towards other ethnic groups in the form of aggressive or violent actions are determined by various factors, but not by cultural predisposition. In our studies, significant differences in the level of aggressiveness were obtained not between different cultures, but, in particular, between men and women and some age groups.

- Mutual erroneous interpretations by the parties of each other's motives and actions are formed. These interpretations become serious and sometimes insurmountable barriers to the settlement of ethnic differences and conflicts. In the context of growing inter-ethnic tension, they are quite easily constructed from the outside through nationalist rhetoric, readily perceived at the level of group consciousness, embraced by aspirations for a positive ethnic identity and ethnic security. As a result, the content of mutual interpretations is seriously distorted. The protracted situation of inter-ethnic tension increases their confrontation and determines their specificity. Thus, the basis for mutual interpretations by Ossetians and Ingush of each other was the destruction of the general level of ethnicity as the basis of “Caucasian” kinship, the formation of confronting collective images of allies and enemies, an aggravation and even hypertrophy of a sense of social justice, the dominance of a rival strategy in interaction, a decrease in the level of mutual trust. , the cultivation of a sense of fear, the existence of ideas about cultural, psychological and religious incompatibility. Changing confronting interpretations is an essential part of the process of building understanding between peoples.

Theoretical and empirical results of the study determine its applied significance. The practical implications can be summarized as follows:

- The developed programs and methods of ethnopsychological research represent a specialized socio-psychological tool for monitoring the level of interethnic tension and the nature of ethnomobilization processes. On the

On its basis, not only the current diagnosis of the state of interethnic relations and the identification of centers of interethnic tension is possible, but also the forecasting of the rate of its growth and spread, as well as the forecasting of ethnic migrations.

– The results of the study represent a systematic scientific information database for the North Caucasus, as well as for a number of other regions of Russia. The results are comparatively cross-cultural in nature, which makes them particularly relevant in the process of developing a regional policy and a strategic line of national policy in the Russian Federation.

– Empirical and applied results of the study represent the psychological component of a comprehensive work on the development of integration trends in society. Here the main task of the ethnopsychologist is to strengthen mutual understanding between peoples, on the basis of which it is also possible to change the positions of the conflicting parties. The mechanisms of interethnic perception considered in the work, the peculiarities of the motivational-need sphere, the principles of psychodiagnostics of ethnic images, the identified relationships between attitudes and group behavior can be an effective scientific basis for psycho-correctional work in order to develop mutual understanding between peoples.

- Theoretical and empirical results of the study, revealing the deep psychological mechanisms and patterns of transformation of interethnic relations in crisis periods of the development of society, can be used as the basis of "ethnotherapy" both at a high political level in the process of constructing social relations in order to prevent the development of disintegration tendencies in society, and in the practical work of public figures, professional politicians, social workers, psychologists in the settlement of ethnic conflicts and the search for ways to resolve them, in the rehabilitation of refugees and internally displaced persons.

Timely and qualified work in this direction can be quite effective, since the Russian Federation has retained ample psychological opportunities for intercultural integration.

In particular, this is expressed in the fact that among the inhabitants of the Republics of Russia the number of persons whom we have called intermediaries, people who are open to a different culture, significantly dominates. This suggests that the desire for interethnic cooperation and cooperation is the central strategy of behavior in relations between the peoples of Russia. It is expressed in the unpopularity of extremism, in the predominance of a positive assessment of the past experience of interethnic interaction, in a high readiness for cooperation on a personal level, in the importance of citizenship of the republic for Russians and Russian citizenship for titular peoples.

In addition, there are extensive common semantic zones between the various peoples of Russia - the most important basis for intercultural understanding. The coinciding characteristics in the ideas of peoples about themselves are positive from the point of view of self-declaration by ethnic groups of their positions in the sphere of intergroup interaction. In this form, the remnants of traditional ideas about the Soviet person crystallize today at the semantic level. And this is a promising psychological legacy for the settlement of interethnic relations in the new Russia. This is also an encouraging basis for effective "ethnotherapy" as a political and socio-psychological activity aimed at developing integration trends in society. Understood in this sense, ethnotherapeutic activity means the prevention and “treatment” of nationalistic manifestations, ethnophobia and ethnic intolerance at different levels of social activity - from the President of the country to a psychologist who provides specific psychotherapeutic assistance to a refugee from an ethnic conflict zone.

Psychological studies show that any activities within the framework of such activities should be based on an understanding of human aspirations and characteristics, both at the level of an individual and entire groups. The main attention in the process of ethnotherapeutic activity should be given to the problems of the correlation of ethnosocial group statuses and assessments of relationships as fair or unfair; satisfaction of ethno-social needs based on the desire for a positive ethnic identity; problems of awareness and understanding of the interests of the other side; strengthening the psychological sense of intercultural closeness and expanding common semantic intercultural zones; the formation of adequate and positive images of each other; removing deep-seated fears and strengthening mutual trust.

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n1.doc

Soldatova G.U. Psychology of interethnic tension. M.: Meaning, 1998, 389 p.
Fundamental monograph on the psychological aspects of interethnic relations. On the basis of both in-depth theoretical analysis and large-scale empirical studies, the author analyzes the factors and patterns of the dynamics of interethnic tension, considers ways to reduce it. Particular attention is paid to interethnic relations in the North Caucasus region.

Psychologists, sociologists, ethnologists, political scientists, specialists in the field of interethnic relations.

Introduction 2

Section I Theoretical basis for the study of interethnic tensions 4

Chapter 1. Interethnic tension as a socio-psychological phenomenon 4

Chapter 2. Motivational-need component of ethnic identity and ethnic solidarity 11

Chapter 3. Ethnic Self-Consciousness and Ethnic Identity 16

Chapter 4. Ethnic images and boundaries of intercultural understanding 26

Chapter 5. Types and transformations of ethnic identity 42

Chapter 6. From Images to Actions 50

Chapter 7. Phases of interethnic tension and psychological defense mechanisms 58

Section II 66

Principles and methods of empirical research of the psychology of interethnic relations 66

Chapter 8

Chapter 9. Methods of socio-psychological research of ethnic identity 72

Section III Theory and Methods in Action: The North Caucasus 79

Chapter 10. Mountain peoples of the North Caucasus as subjects of interaction! situations of interethnic tension and their dynamics 79

Chapter 11. Common Ethnicity and Psychological Universals of the North Caucasian Peoples 89

Chapter 12. Ethnopolitical mobilization: directions of mass activity 98

Chapter 13 103

Chapter 14. Ingushetia and North Ossetia-Alania: socio-psychological determinants of maintaining interethnic tension

Chapter 15

Chapter 16

Conclusion: key findings 138

Literature 143

Introduction

A necessary condition for building a free civil society in Russia is to overcome inter-ethnic disintegration. Split into many ethnic identities, the mass consciousness of post-Soviet Russia presents a serious obstacle on this path. Interethnic relations have become the most important and disadvantaged part of social reality. Ethnic conflicts, ethnic violence, forced migrants - in this way, society today is paying the price for the lack of sufficient interest in ethnic groups in the past and suffers from an exaggerated attention to them at the expense of higher-level tasks. However, it is impossible to bypass interethnic problems, since they threaten the very integrity of Russia, and it is unrealistic to find ways to solve them without understanding the conscious and unconscious aspirations of people who consider themselves to be a single people. Revealing the deep foundations of interethnic confrontation, understanding the psychological mechanisms of transformation of natural love for one's people into a political doctrine of ethno-nationalism supported by the masses, requires going beyond the analysis of individual contradictions and conflicts and turning to the study of the very process of their development. The study of inter-ethnic tension as an integral characteristic of relations between peoples is the approach on the basis of which this paper explores the psychological side of the disintegration processes in Russia in the 1990s.

The book summarizes socio-psychological studies of interethnic relations in the former USSR and Russia, carried out by the author and with his participation over the past twenty years. Despite the fact that these studies began in the "epoch of internationalism", their main focus has always been tension between peoples, and the main goal is to study the psychological nature of contradictions, problems and conflicts, as a result of which ethnic borders are erected, dividing peoples sometimes to a greater extent. than administrative.

Interethnic tension is considered in the work as a socio-psychological characteristic of relations and interactions between peoples. It is studied in three aspects: as a psychological background condition affecting the development of interethnic disagreements, contradictions and conflicts, as a psychocultural component of problematic situations of interethnic interaction, and as a result of the activation of the protective psychological mechanisms of ethnic groups.

The studies presented in the book are carried out in line with the conflictological aspect of social ethnopsychology with broad reliance on data from social and general psychology, ethnology, sociology, history, demography, political science and cultural studies. Unrelated to such an interdisciplinary meaningful context, ethnopsychological material can hardly be useful for solving the problems of diagnosing and early warning of ethnic conflicts, their containment and regulation.

To achieve this goal, a number of theoretical, methodological, empirical and applied problems were solved. They determined the structure of the book, which consisted of three sections. They consistently present theoretical positions, methods for their empirical verification, and specific studies carried out on the basis of specially developed ethnopsychological programs.

The first section outlines the methodological and theoretical principles of the socio-psychological approach to the study of interethnic tension. A system of concepts representing its phenomenological field is disclosed. The main attention is paid to ethnicity (ethnic identity), the motivational-demand sphere of ethnic self-consciousness, ethnic images and behavioral attitudes. The system of socio-psychological indicators of the level of interethnic tension is substantiated, on the basis of which its phases are considered; the mechanisms of psychological defense of an ethnic group are revealed in the conditions of growing tension between peoples.

The second section of the book analyzes the principles of empirical ethnopsychological research. Socio-psychological methods and methodological techniques are presented, specially developed by the author and with his participation in different years in order to measure the level of interethnic tension and study the central construct of its phenomenological field - ethnic identity. Among them are: (1) the Attitude Diagnostic Test (ATT), designed to study the emotional-evaluative component of an ethnic image; (2) methodological development for identifying types of ethnic identity and the degree of ethnic tolerance; (3) a questionnaire to identify ethno-affiliative tendencies; (4) methodical development "Cultural-Value Differential", created for the study of value orientations and psychological universals; (5) modification of the test of personal constructs by J. Kelly to study the cognitive content of ethnic identity; (6) methodological techniques for studying the status of ethnicity in the structure of social identity and the level of ethnopolitical mobilization of consciousness based on the test "Who am I?" Kuhn and McPartland; (7) methodological techniques for studying the conative (behavioral) component of ethnic identity.

The book deals with situations of interethnic tension in various republics of Russia - Tuva, Tatarstan, Sakha (Yakutia). But the main focus of the study is the "hottest" region of the country - the North Caucasus. It was here that inter-ethnic tensions reached their critical limits within Russia. Therefore, the third section of the monograph is devoted to the analysis of research materials in the North Caucasus.

The third section consists of seven chapters. They are written on the basis of not only socio-psychological, but also ethnological, political science, sociological, historical and demographic materials. Chapters 10-12 give a general idea of ​​the situation in the North Caucasus, analyze the psychological side of the increase in tension and its growth; the foundations of the common ethnicity of the North Caucasian peoples and the forms of their ethno-political mobilization are revealed.

The subsequent chapters of the third section analyze the results of specific empirical studies of relations between the peoples of the North Caucasus in various situations of interethnic tension. The identity of the Chechens, Ingush, Ossetians and Russians and the ethnic boundaries between these peoples in a situation of latent tension in the early 1980s are studied. > The socio-psychological determinants of the preservation of conflict tension between Ossetians and Ingush are analyzed. In situations of frustration and conflict tension, the status, features of the self-consciousness of the Russians of the North Caucasus and their relationship with the mountain peoples are studied. Ethnopsychological problems of adaptation of forced migrants in the North Caucasus and from the North Caucasus, who survived situations of frustration, conflict and crisis of interethnic tension, are considered.

The peculiarity of the path from empirical research to theoretical generalizations, done in this work, is as follows. Based on the results of socio-psychological studies conducted on relatively small samples, we adapted ours. specific methodological techniques for inclusion in ethno-sociological questionnaires and received unique cross-cultural materials on large representative sociological samples (about 3,000 people), the random error in which did not exceed 5%. It was these empirical materials that served as the main support for the construction of theoretical positions. The results obtained were again checked and concretized in the "chamber" psychological studies presented in Section III.

The empirical basis is a series of socio-psychological studies and ethno-sociological surveys conducted in various years and covering a total of over 4,600 people. Among them:

(one). A socio-psychological study of the peculiarities of ethnic self-consciousness among Ossetians, Ingush, Chechens and Russians, carried out one and a half years after the aggravation of Ossetian-Ingush relations in October 1982.

(2). Ethno-sociological survey and study of ethnic stereotypes among refugees from South Ossetia and the hinterland of Georgia. It was carried out in September 1991 during the period of the greatest aggravation of relations between Georgia and South Ossetia.

(3). An ethno-sociological survey of the population of Vladikavkaz (North Ossetia, May 1992), conducted 5 months before the start of the armed conflict between Ingushetia and North Ossetia (Russians, Ossetians, Ingush).

(four). A study of the self-consciousness of the Terek Cossacks, conducted in 1993 and 1995. in various republics of the North Caucasus.

(5). Socio-psychological study of the urban population of North Ossetia-Alania, Tuva, Tatarstan and Sakha (Yakutia), carried out within the framework of the project "National Self-Consciousness, Nationalism and Conflict Resolution in the Russian Federation" (1993–1995).

(6). A socio-psychological study of leaders and activists of the national movements of North Ossetia-Alania and Tuva, carried out within the framework of the project "National Self-Consciousness, Nationalism and Conflict Resolution in the Russian Federation" in August-September 1994 (Ossetians, Tuvans).

(7). Socio-psychological study of Russian immigrants from Chechnya, conducted in August-September 1994 in North Ossetia-Alania.

(eight). Study of the psychological state and ethnic identity of Russian refugees from Grozny (January-February 1995).

The concept of interethnic tension makes it possible not only to understand the deep sources and mechanisms of ethnic conflicts, but also to determine the ways of their early warning and the critical points of tension growth. This opens up great application possibilities for the concept. The system of socio-psychological indicators and methods for measuring them provide the researcher with a specialized tool for independent monitoring of the level of interethnic tension and the nature of ethnomobilization processes in society. This kind of monitoring is a way to give accurate forecasts of the pace and vectors of escalation of tension in society and, based on an understanding of the underlying psychological mechanisms, to take timely appropriate measures to localize and regulate it. The material reflecting the ethnopsychological basis for the development of interethnic tension in the North Caucasus and other regions of the Russian Federation can be used as a scientific and information base for the formation of regional policy, the development of programs for regulating interethnic relations and preventing the escalation of interethnic tension, and for forecasting ethnic migrations.

This monograph is intended for researchers - researchers of interethnic relations working in the field of psychology, political science, sociology, ethnology, conflictology, as well as for politicians, public figures and social workers involved in the complex problems of regulating relations between peoples. Despite the academic style of presentation, this work, first of all, was done with the thought of people who suffered in ethnic conflicts. The main motive for writing this book was the desire to contribute to the solution of interethnic problems, the timely prevention of which can significantly reduce the number of victims and destruction in our world and increase the creative potential of mankind.

The book summarizes the results of research over many years. Therefore, it is impossible to list all those who influenced the development of ideas that determined the writing of this monograph and provided scientific and friendly support at different stages of work. A significant number of scientists who directly influenced this work are listed in the list of references presented at the end of this monograph. At the same time, there is a circle of people to whom I am especially grateful.

I express my most sincere gratitude to the staff of the Institute of Psychology of the Russian Academy of Sciences and, first of all, to the sector of social psychology, where in 1980–1989 I formed as a specialist in the field of psychology of interethnic relations

Work at the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences was of great importance to me. Here, thanks to my acquaintance with a variety of approaches to the study of interethnic relations, I formed a view on the development of social ethnopsychology. Empirical verification of theoretical ideas was found in the course of work in the sector of socio-psychological problems of research on national relations, headed by L.M. Drobizheva. For several years, under her leadership, the international project "National Self-Consciousness, Nationalism and Conflict Resolution in the Russian Federation", funded by the J. and K. MacArthur Foundation, was carried out. His materials served in this book as the main substantive support for comparing various situations of interethnic tension in the Russian republics. I heartily thank my colleagues in the project and in the sector for the support and cooperation.

I express my great gratitude to colleagues, students and postgraduates of Moscow State University for their cooperation and assistance at various stages in conducting empirical research and in preparing this book. I would like to express my special gratitude to Shlyagina E.I., Shcherbakova A.B., Shaigerova L.A., Bardina I.V.

The studies included in this book would not have been possible without the cooperation and invaluable help of colleagues from the North Caucasus: Dzutseva H.V., Tsutsieva A.A., Fedosova E.V., Dzadzieva A.B.

At all stages of work on this monograph, Pyotr Nikolaevich Shikhirev invariably provided benevolent support and invaluable assistance. His remarks and advice at the stage of completing the monograph were of exceptional importance to me.

And, of course, I would never have been able to complete this work without understanding, patience and support from my family - my husband, daughter and my dear parents.

Galina Vladimirovna (Urtanbekovna) Soldatova(born November 24, 1956) - Russian psychologist, specialist in the psychology of interethnic relations, the psychology of intercultural communications, the psychology of identity, conflict and interethnic tension, the psychology of migration, the psychology of xenophobia, the psychology of tolerance, the psychology of negotiations, the psychology of the influence of the Internet on the development of the individual and society . Doctor of Psychology, Professor, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Education. Director of the Internet Development Fund.

Biography

Professor of the Department of Personality Psychology, Deputy Head of the Department of Personality Psychology at the Faculty of Psychology of Lomonosov Moscow State University.

Main work

Monographs

• Soldatova G. V., Drobizheva L. M., Koroteeva V. V. Democratization and images of nationalism in the Russian Federation in the 90s. M.: Thought, 1996.
• Soldatova GV Psychology of interethnic tension. M.: Meaning, 1998.
• Soldatova G. V., Shaigerova L. A., Makarchuk A. V., Lyutaya T. A. Different but equal. Big psychological games. M.: MSU, 2004.
• Soldatova G. V., Asmolov A. G., Makarchuk A. V., Shlyapnikov V. N. Social competence of the class teacher: directing joint activities. M.: Meaning, 2006.
• Soldatova G. V., Stebakov D. A., Filileeva E. V., Khokhlova O. A. Methodology and technology for assessing social tension in the educational environment. M.: ASOU, 2007.
• Caught in the same net. Socio-psychological analysis of the ideas of children and adolescents about the Internet. Moscow: Internet Development Fund, 2011, 176 p.
• Tolerance as a factor in counteracting xenophobia / G. Soldatova, V. Lektorsky, V. Petrenko et al. // Methodology of social construction of tolerance and risk management of xenophobia in a multipolar world. - M.: Nauka, 2011. - S. 13-89.
• Children of Russia Online. Results of the international project EU Kids Online II in Russia / G. Soldatova, E. Zotova, M. Lebesheva and others - Moscow, 2012. - P. 213.
• Soldatova G., Nestik T., Rasskazova E., Zotova E. Digital competence of Russian adolescents and parents: results of a nationwide study. - Internet Development Foundation, Moscow, 2013. - P. 144.

Benefits

• Soldatova G.V., Shaigerova L.A., Sharova O.V. To live in peace with oneself and with others. Tolerance training for teenagers. (Training program). M.: Genesis, 2000.
• Soldatova G. V., Shaigerova L. A., Kalinenko V. K., Kravtsova O. A. Psychological assistance to migrants. Trauma, culture change, identity crisis. M.: Meaning, 2002.
• Soldatova G. V., Makarchuk A. V., Shaigerova L. A., Schepina A. I., Khukhlaev O. E. Let others be different. Tolerance training for the prevention and overcoming of migrant phobia. (Training program). M.: MGU, 2002.
• Soldatova G. V., Makarchuk A. V., Shaigerova L. A. Trainings for improving intercultural competence. M.: MGU., 2004.
• Soldatova G. V., Shaigerova L. A., Makarchuk A. V., Shchepina A. I., Khukhlaeva A. E., Lyutaya T. A. Trainings of tolerance. M.: MGU. 2005.
• Soldatova G. V., Makarchuk A. V. Can another become a friend? Xenophobia Prevention Training. (training program). M.: Genesis, 2006.
• Soldatova G. V., Makarchuk A. V., Lyutaya T. A., Shlyapnikov V. N., Shchepina A. I. Training for improving the social competence of teaching staff. M.: ASOU, 2006.
• The art of living with different people: the psychotechnics of tolerance / G. Soldatova, A. Makarchuk, L. Shaigerova, T. Lyutaya. - GU MO Publishing House Moskovia, 2009. - P. 310. G. V., Shaigerova L. A., Prokofieva T. Yu. Psychodiagnostics of personality tolerance. M.: Meaning, 2007.
• Soldatova G., Zotova E., Lebesheva M., Shlyapnikov V. Internet: opportunities, competencies, security. Methodical manual for employees of the general education system. Part 1. Lectures. - M.: Center for book culture "Gutenberg", 2013. - 165 p.
• Soldatova G., Zotova E., Lebesheva M., Shlyapnikov V. Internet: opportunities, competencies, security. Methodical manual for employees of the general education system. Part 2. Workshop. - M.: Center for book culture "Gutenberg", 2013. - 137 p.

Articles

• Zinchenko Yu. P., Soldatova G. U., Shaigerova L. A.// National Psychological Journal. - 2011. - No. 2(6) . - pp. 98-111.
• Soldatova G. U., Nestik T. A., Shaigerova L. A.// National Psychological Journal. - 2011. - No. 2 (6). - S. 60-79.
• Soldatova G. U., Nestik T. A.// National Psychological Journal. - 2011. - No. 2 (6). - S. 15-24.
• Soldatova G., Rasskazova E. How to help them? Child on the Internet: prohibit, observe or explain? // Children in the information society. - 2012. - No. 10. - S. 26-33.
• Rasskazova E., Lebesheva M., Soldatova G. Cruel experience // Children in the information society. - 2012. - No. 12. - S. 26-35.
• Soldatova G., Geer M. Glocal identity, cultural intelligence and language fluency // Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences. - Vol. 86 of V Congress of the Russian Psychological Society 14-18 February (Moscow). - 2013. - P. 469-474.
• Chaiguerova L., Soldatova G. Long-term impact of terrorist attack experience on survivors emotional state and basic beliefs // Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences. - Vol. 86 of V Congress of the Russian Psychological Society 14-18 February (Moscow). - 2013. - P. 603-609.
• // National Psychological Journal. - 2014. - No. 2 (14) . - S. 27-35. - DOI:10.11621/npj.2014.0204 .
• Soldatova G. U., Rasskazova E. I.// National Psychological Journal. - 2014. - No. 3 (15) . - pp. 39-51. - DOI:10.11621/npj.2014.0305 .
• Soldatova G., Rasskazova E. Psychological content of the digital divide between Russian teenagers and their parents // Educational Policy. - 2014. - No. (3) 65. - S. 112-125.
• Soldatova G., Rasskazova E. Psychological factors of adolescent safety on the Internet: the role of coping behavior and parental mediation. Vestnik RGNF. - 2014. - V. 2, No. 75. - S. 126-134.
• Soldatova G.., Rasskazova E. Assessment of the digital competence in russian adolescents and parents: Digital competence index // Psychology in Russia: State of the Art. - 2014. - Vol. 7, no. 4. - P. 65-73.
• Soldatova G., Shaigerova L. Reflection of the plurality of choice in the psychology of intercultural communications // Psikhologicheskie issledovaniya (electronic journal). - 2015. - V. 8, No. 40.
• Soldatova G., Rasskazova E. Models of the transfer of experience between generations in the development and use of the Internet // Questions of Psychology . - 2015. - No. 2. - S. 56-66.

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An excerpt characterizing Soldatova, Galina Vladimirovna

These people, carried away by their passions, were blind executors of only the saddest law of necessity; but they considered themselves heroes and imagined that what they did was the most worthy and noble deed. They accused Kutuzov and said that from the very beginning of the campaign he prevented them from defeating Napoleon, that he only thought about satisfying his passions and did not want to leave the Linen Factories, because he was calm there; that he stopped the movement near Krasnoe only because, having learned about the presence of Napoleon, he was completely lost; that it can be assumed that he is in a conspiracy with Napoleon, that he is bribed by him, [Wilson's Notes. (Note by L.N. Tolstoy.)], etc., etc.
Not only did contemporaries, carried away by passions, say this, - posterity and history recognized Napoleon as grand, and Kutuzov: foreigners - a cunning, depraved, weak court old man; Russians - something indefinite - some kind of doll, useful only in their Russian name ...

In the 12th and 13th years, Kutuzov was directly accused of mistakes. The sovereign was dissatisfied with him. And in a story recently written by the highest command, it is said that Kutuzov was a cunning court liar who was afraid of the name of Napoleon and, with his mistakes near Krasnoye and near the Berezina, deprived the Russian troops of glory - a complete victory over the French. [History of 1812 by Bogdanovich: characterization of Kutuzov and discussion of the unsatisfactory results of the Krasnensky battles. (Note by L.N. Tolstoy.)]
Such is the fate not of great people, not grand homme, whom the Russian mind does not recognize, but the fate of those rare, always lonely people who, comprehending the will of Providence, subordinate their personal will to it. The hatred and contempt of the crowd punish these people for the enlightenment of higher laws.
For Russian historians - it is strange and terrible to say - Napoleon is the most insignificant instrument of history - never and nowhere, even in exile, who did not show human dignity - Napoleon is an object of admiration and delight; he grand. Kutuzov, the man who, from the beginning to the end of his activity in 1812, from Borodin to Vilna, never betraying himself with a single action, not a word, is an extraordinary example of self-denial and awareness in the present of the future meaning of an event, - Kutuzov seems to them something indefinite and pathetic, and, speaking of Kutuzov and the 12th year, they always seem to be a little ashamed.
Meanwhile, it is difficult to imagine a historical person whose activity would be so invariably and constantly directed towards the same goal. It is difficult to imagine a goal more worthy and more in line with the will of the whole people. It is even more difficult to find another example in history where the goal set by a historical person would be so completely achieved as the goal to which Kutuzov's entire activity was directed in 1812.
Kutuzov never talked about the forty centuries that look from the pyramids, about the sacrifices that he brings to the fatherland, about what he intends to do or has done: he did not say anything at all about himself, did not play any role, he always seemed the most simple and ordinary man and said the most simple and ordinary things. He wrote letters to his daughters and m me Stael, read novels, loved the company of beautiful women, joked with generals, officers and soldiers, and never contradicted those people who wanted to prove something to him. When Count Rostopchin on the Yauzsky Bridge galloped up to Kutuzov with personal reproaches about who was to blame for the death of Moscow, and said: “How did you promise not to leave Moscow without giving a battle?” - Kutuzov answered: "I will not leave Moscow without a fight," despite the fact that Moscow had already been abandoned. When Arakcheev, who came to him from the sovereign, said that Yermolov should be appointed head of artillery, Kutuzov replied: “Yes, I just said it myself,” although he said something completely different in a minute. What did it matter to him, who alone then understood the whole enormous meaning of the event, among the stupid crowd that surrounded him, what did he care about whether Count Rostopchin would attribute the disaster of the capital to himself or to him? Even less could he be interested in who would be appointed chief of artillery.
Not only in these cases, but incessantly this old man, who by experience of life had reached the conviction that the thoughts and words that serve as their expression are not the essence of people's engines, spoke words that were completely meaningless - the first that came to his mind.
But this same man, who so neglected his words, never once in all his activity said a single word that would not be in accordance with the sole goal towards which he was going during the whole war. Obviously, involuntarily, with a heavy certainty that they would not understand him, he repeatedly expressed his opinion in the most diverse circumstances. Starting from the battle of Borodino, from which his discord with those around him began, he alone said that the battle of Borodino was a victory, and he repeated this verbally, and in reports, and reports until his death. He alone said that the loss of Moscow is not the loss of Russia. In response to Loriston's proposal for peace, he replied that there could be no peace, because such was the will of the people; he alone, during the retreat of the French, said that all our maneuvers were not needed, that everything would become better by itself than we wished, that the enemy should be given a golden bridge, that neither Tarutino, nor Vyazemsky, nor Krasnensky battles were needed, what with what someday you need to come to the border, that for ten Frenchmen he will not give up one Russian.
And he is alone, this court man, as he is portrayed to us, a man who lies to Arakcheev in order to please the sovereign - he alone, this court man, in Vilna, thus deserving the sovereign's disfavor, says that further war abroad is harmful and useless.
But words alone would not prove that he then understood the significance of the event. His actions - all without the slightest retreat, all were directed towards the same goal, expressed in three actions: 1) strain all their forces to clash with the French, 2) defeat them and 3) expel them from Russia, facilitating, as far as possible, disasters of the people and troops.
He, that procrastinator Kutuzov, whose motto is patience and time, the enemy of decisive action, he gives the battle of Borodino, dressing the preparations for it in unparalleled solemnity. He, that Kutuzov, who in the battle of Austerlitz, before it began, says that it will be lost, in Borodino, despite the assurances of the generals that the battle is lost, despite the unheard-of example in history that after the battle won, the army must retreat , he alone, in opposition to everyone, claims until his death that the Battle of Borodino is a victory. He alone during the entire retreat insists on not giving battles, which are now useless, not starting a new war and not crossing the borders of Russia.
Now it is easy to understand the meaning of an event, unless we apply to the activity of masses of goals that were in the head of a dozen people, since the whole event with its consequences lies before us.
But how then could this old man, alone, contrary to the opinion of all, guess, so correctly guessed then the meaning of the popular meaning of the event, that he never betrayed him in all his activity?
The source of this extraordinary power of insight into the meaning of occurring phenomena lay in that popular feeling, which he carried within himself in all its purity and strength.
Only the recognition of this feeling in him made the people, in such strange ways, from an old man who was in disfavor, choose him against the will of the tsar to be representatives of the people's war. And only this feeling put him on that highest human height, from which he, the commander-in-chief, directed all his forces not to kill and exterminate people, but to save and pity them.
This simple, modest and therefore truly majestic figure could not fit into that deceitful form of a European hero, supposedly controlling people, which history invented.
For a lackey there can be no great person, because the lackey has his own idea of ​​greatness.

November 5 was the first day of the so-called Krasnensky battle. Before evening, when, after many disputes and mistakes of the generals, who went to the wrong place; after sending out adjutants with counter-orders, when it had already become clear that the enemy was fleeing everywhere and that there could not be and would not be a battle, Kutuzov left Krasnoye and went to Dobroe, where the main apartment had been transferred that day.
The day was clear and frosty. Kutuzov, with a huge retinue of generals who were dissatisfied with him, whispering after him, rode on his fat white horse to Good. All along the road crowded, warming themselves by the fires, lots of French prisoners taken this day (there were seven thousand of them taken that day). Not far from Dobry, a huge crowd of ragged, bandaged and wrapped with whatever prisoners buzzed in conversation, standing on the road near a long line of unharnessed French guns. As the commander-in-chief approached, the conversation fell silent, and all eyes stared at Kutuzov, who, in his white hat with a red band and a wadded overcoat, sitting with a hump on his stooped shoulders, slowly moved along the road. One of the generals reported to Kutuzov where the guns and prisoners were taken.

The article explores the possibilities and limitations of coping behavior of children and adolescents on the Internet and assistance to them from significant adults (parental mediation) in the context of a new social situation of development mediated by modern information and communication technologies, primarily the Internet. The study was conducted based on the EUKidsOnline II methodology in 11 regions of 7 Federal Districts of Russia (1025 parent-child pairs).

According to the data obtained, the most common risks include exposure to sexual and negative content, fraud and identity theft, meeting with online acquaintances. Features of experiencing and coping with risks online depend on the dominant activity of a teenager in the network: for example, learning-oriented children are the least exposed to this risk, but they experience such situations more deeply and for a longer time, more often use passive strategies to solve them. The “consumers of content” who actively use various network resources, including for search, fall into the group of the greatest risk for encountering sexual content on the network. At the same time, they experience fewer negative emotions, more often actively try to cope with the problem, and practically do not resort to offline support.

Opportunities for parental mediation are currently limited: a ban strategy is associated with a reduction in the likelihood of exposure to risks, especially for learning-oriented adolescents; while the strategy of explanations and rewards is effective for adolescents engaged in a variety of activities on the Internet, is associated with a more realistic assessment of risk and the use of active coping and social support strategies by the child. The Internet for a modern teenager acts as a complexly organized psychological “tool”, which is appropriated by the child, setting the features of his activity and self-regulation, including his ability to cope with difficult life situations.

Beginning in the previous issue

New technologies have significantly changed the social environment in which the child develops, especially in terms of the way he communicates with adults and peers. The significance of the influence of the social environment and communication on the development of the child is recognized by representatives of various scientific directions and schools in psychology. However, the question of the mechanisms of such influence is interpreted differently depending on the methodological and theoretical model underlying the study of the characteristics of the child's development.

In our study, as a methodological basis, we consider the cultural-historical approach, associated primarily with the name of L.S. Vygotsky (Vygotsky, 1983, 1984). The core of the cultural-historical approach - the idea of ​​development - combined into a single concept such general psychological categories as "social environment", "communication", "sign", "tool", with psychological concepts specially developed to explain the characteristics of the child's mental development: "social situation development”, “leading activity”, “significant others”, “zone of proximal development”. All of them became the basis of various original concepts in Russian psychology (P.Ya. Galperin, V.V. Davydov, A.N. Leontiev, A.R. Luria, etc.) and are widely used in modern research in developmental psychology.

In accordance with the cultural-historical approach and the concepts created on its basis, the formation of the personality of children and adolescents is inseparable from the social situation of their development. The concept of "social situation of development", as the most important component of each period of a child's development, was introduced by L.S. Vygotsky in his teaching on the structure and dynamics of psychological age (Vygotsky, 1997, pp. 24-25). The works of Russian psychologists show that the features of the social situation of development decisively determine the direction, content and nature of the age-related development of the child (L.I. Bozhovich, V.V. Davydov, M.I. Lisina, D.B. Elkonin, D.I. Feldstein, OA Karabanova, etc.). The social situation of development reflects the relationship between the environment and the child, specific for each age, which is considered as the source of his development. It characterizes the place of the child in the system of social relations, the expectations and demands placed on him, as well as the peculiarities of his understanding of this place and his relationships with other people and, first of all, with the world of adults.

Infocommunication technologies, expanding and supplementing the life of a child, mediate and change his life activity not only online, but also offline (McLuhan, 1964; Soldatova et al., 2013). The solution of specific tasks that the information and communication environment that involves him sets for the child has an impact on the content of his mental development. These changes, in turn, become an important component of age-related developmental crises. In this regard, we can talk about the emergence of a new social situation in the development of the child's personality, in which information and communication technologies and, first of all, the Internet become the most important coordinate. In this sense, the Internet can be viewed as a psychological "tool" that is appropriated by the child in the process of internalization, mediating the development of the psyche.

The new social situation of development brings with it new risks. Growing empirical evidence suggests that ensuring the psychological safety of children and adolescents on the Internet is the most important task of the information society (Livingstone and Haddon, 2009). The situation is aggravated by the fact that adolescents often provoke dangerous situations themselves or even initiate them, or hide them from parents and teachers, considering themselves more experienced than adults and than they really are (Soldatova et al., 2013). In the countries of Eastern Europe (Livingstone, Haddon, 2009) and, especially, in Russia (Soldatova et al., 2013) compared to the countries of Western Europe, the problem is more acute: with a comparable high level of user activity among schoolchildren from different countries, here not only the risks themselves, but also the "digital divide", expressed in the underestimation of risks by parents and teachers, in their uncertainty about their own ability to provide assistance, as well as in the reluctance of adolescents to "let" adults into their lives on the Internet. One of the possible explanations is the lack of social regulation and information, compared with the countries of Western Europe.

The purpose of this work was to study a new social situation of development, characterized by specific opportunities and limitations of children's and adolescents' own coping behavior on the Internet, and help from significant adults (parental mediation) in a new social situation of development. The study is based on a secondary analysis of the results of the Russian part (Soldatova et al., 2013) of the EUKidsOnline project (Livingstone, Haddon, 2009), which included a total of 25,000 parent-child pairs from different European countries and aimed at identifying the experience of parents and children in relation to safe and unsafe use of the Internet.

In this study, the following tasks were set:

Theoretical analysis of the features of the formation of the personality of children and adolescents of the digital generation, including the analysis of online risks and threats and socio-psychological factors that contribute to the safety of a teenager on the Internet.

A study of the structure of online risks and threats, in comparison with European data, socio-demographic factors, as well as the opportunities for coping behavior of adolescents.

Study of the possibilities of parental mediation of a teenager's activities on the Internet.

Online Threats and Difficult Online Situations

The solution of specific tasks that the information and communication environment poses for the child affects the content of his mental development - the forms and ways of development, the types of activities, the new mental properties and qualities he acquires (Gackenbach, 2006; Lietal., 2010; Sparrowetal. , 2011; Tapscott, 2009), self-awareness (Buckingham, 2008; Mazalin, Moore, 2004), intellectual and personal reflection, as well as self-organization and self-regulation, including ways of coping with difficult life situations.

The intensity of online threats (Livingstone, Haddon, 2009) calls for considering the Internet as a significant potential source of stress in the information society. According to Russian data, cyberbullying and exposure to sexual content are among the most significant (Soldatova, Zotova, 2013). The systematic interaction of a student-user of the Internet with the threats of the online environment leads to the emergence of such relationships between the emerging personality and the new social environment, which can be described as difficult online situations. According to the transactional approach, the experience of stress and its impact on health and development (both positive, for example, resource mobilization, and negative) is determined by the subject's cognitive-affective assessment of the situation as a threat, loss, or challenge, and their ability to cope - as more or less less sufficient (Lasarus and Folkman, 1984; Lasarus, 2006). From the point of view of the cultural-activity approach (Leontiev, 1981), this kind of analysis should be supplemented by taking into account the child’s activities, including how, in the process of personogenesis, he chooses the activity in which his further development will take place (Asmolov, 2007). The online environment provides children with ample opportunities to choose different types of activities: gaming, educational, communicative, various forms of personal self-determination. If for adults the Internet primarily acts as a source of information, then for children it is a communication space (Livingstone, 2003; Soldatova et al., 2011). This means that, on the one hand, it is within the framework of communicative activity in the network that the formation of cultural skills and skills of managing one's behavior (including the formation of coping behavior) takes place. On the other hand, communicative activity acts as a kind of “risk zone”, in which the threats of the Internet are manifested to the maximum extent.

Speaking about online threats, we should separately note the problem of excessive use of the Internet (Soldatova, Rasskazova, 2013a), which is not only among the most popular, but also the most controversial. Suggested by analogy with substance addiction and gambling, the term Internet addiction has not been fully recognized in clinical classifications (Griffiths, 2000). Criteria and methods for diagnosing this phenomenon differ significantly (Young, 1996, Wydiantoetal., 2011). Nevertheless, the high frequency and practical significance of this phenomenon determine the relevance of further development of the concept and identification of its structure (Griffiths, 2005). From our point of view, the qualification of a particular user activity of a teenager as “excessive” requires a meaningful analysis of the social situation of development and the characteristics of the activity, including its motivational and semantic component (Bratus, 1988). The same manifestations may be evidence of a “modern way of life”, a social shift in the boundaries of norm and pathology (Howtechnologies..., 2009), or they may be a sign of addictive potential. Similar ideas are well illustrated by M. Griffiths (Griffiths, 2010), describing two cases of online games with the same high frequency, in one of which the game was an important stage in the life of a young person, contributing to his development and enriching his life (social circle and interests) and ended with a change in life circumstances; while in another case, it "deprived" a person's life of other interests and meanings, leading to violations in social relations, loss of family and work.

The aim of this work was to compare the frequency of user activity and signs of excessive use of the Internet in adolescents with different types of activities on the Internet and in different social situations (depending on different strategies of parents).

Online Coping Behavior and Parental Mediation Strategies

Traditionally, copings are defined as individual ways of interacting with a difficult (external or internal) situation, which are determined by its subjective significance for a person and his own psychological resources (Belinskaya, 2009, Kryukova, 2005). The formation of coping strategies is implemented through activity mechanisms in the context of the interaction of the individual and the situation. The result is awareness, arbitrariness, mediation and motivation of the efforts of the individual, directed by a very specific goal. In the process of child development, the development of coping behavior goes hand in hand with the emergence of psychological neoformations of the corresponding age period (qualitative changes in the cognitive sphere, transformations in social relations, the formation of a new subjective reality that transforms ideas about oneself, etc.), which constitute the resource base of the individual, which is the basis of coping. (Nikolskaya, Granovskaya, 2001; Coincident behavior, 2008). Among the wide variety of classifications of coping strategies and self-regulation strategies (Lasarus, Folkman, 1984; Eisenbergetal., 1995; Compas, 1998), we can distinguish two aspects that are most important, from our point of view, for coping research on the Internet. First, there is the idea of ​​the importance of active and proactive, as opposed to passive/reactive coping, which goes back to the ideas of transformational (Maddi, 1998) and proactive (Schwarzer, Knoll, 2002) coping. Transformational coping means actively coping with the situation, including the search for and trying new forms of behavior, in contrast to regressive coping, which is characterized by maintaining the usual level of tension. Proactive coping is focused on seeing the possibilities of the world and potential development, aimed at setting and achieving new goals and personal growth. The child’s own activity on the Internet, attempts to overcome the current situation, searches are important not only for overcoming stress and its negative consequences, but also for the further development of the personality in the digital world, determining one’s own position in relation to what happened, and developing digital competence (Soldatova et al., 2013).

Secondly, the most important resource for coping with difficult life situations, especially in the context of a child's activities on the Internet, are significant others. The Internet is becoming an influential mediator between the adult world and children and adolescents, it largely sets the zone of their proximal development, including by determining the opportunities, content and sources of social support.

The participation of parents in these processes can be different: the “digital” situation acts as an influential “intermediary”, determining both the ability of parents to help their children and the willingness and desire of children to accept this help (Soldatova, Rasskazova, 20136). The EUKidsOnline project (Livingstone, Haddon, 2009) identified five types of mediation of children's user activity by parents:

active mediation of Internet use (the parent is present when the child uses the Internet and helps him);

active mediation of the child's safety on the Internet (the parent talks with the child about how to behave safely on the Internet, gives advice and teaches how to behave correctly);

restrictive mediation (the parent creates rules and restrictions on the use of the Internet);

monitoring (constant check of the sites visited by the child, his contacts, messages, profiles);

technical restriction (the use of special programs that allow you to block and filter sites, track visited sites or set limits on the time of use).

The application of this classification in the conditions of Russian reality led to two changes in this typology (Soldatova, Rasskazova, 20136). First, the use of technical controls turned out to be an extremely rare option for Russian parents, so this type was excluded from further analysis. Secondly, the two types of active mediation were combined into an explanatory and rewarding strategy, which included options for sharing the Internet and monitoring the child, but excluding options for being present during use in the same room (since mere presence may be random and not involve mediation) . In accordance with the provisions of the cultural-historical approach, it was assumed that the same parenting strategies can perform different tasks and have different effects depending on the child, his activity on the Internet and what consequences are in question (for example, bans can reduce the likelihood of facing risks, but are unlikely to contribute to active coping behavior).

Material and research methods

The work was carried out on the basis of the methodology of the EUKidsOnlineII project (Livingstone, Haddon, 2011). The study in Russia included the following steps:

translation of texts of questionnaires and interviews;

a pilot survey of children and parents to identify difficulties in understanding points and inaccuracies in translation;

correction of the text of the questionnaire;

formation of a stratified sample;

data collection during individual interviews at respondents' homes;

primary analysis of the features of user activity in Russia (Soldatova et al., 2013).

This study included the formation of a common database and a secondary analysis of the data obtained in order to identify the opportunities and limitations of adolescent coping behavior on the Internet and parental mediation.

Data collection was carried out in 11 regions of Russia (Zabaikalsky Krai, Kemerovo, Kirov regions, Moscow, Moscow region, Republic of Dagestan, Republic of Komi, St. Petersburg, Rostov, Saratov, Chelyabinsk regions) using multistage stratified territorial random sampling. The strata were formed within the boundaries of seven federal districts of the Russian Federation. In each stratum, one administrative district was selected, which represents all the districts of its stratum in the sample (with the exception of the Kaliningrad region). The total sample size was distributed among the strata in proportion to the child population of each stratum. The study involved 1025 parent-child pairs, including children 9-16 years old (44.5% boys, 55.5% girls; 25.5% aged 9-10 years, 18.4% aged 11-12 years, 27.1% aged 13-14 and 29% aged 15-16) and one of their parents.

The questionnaire included several blocks of questions. The first block consisted of questions for parents aimed at identifying their own experience of using the Internet, perceptions of the difficulties faced by the child, awareness of his online experience and actions taken to ensure the safety of the child's use of the Internet. For example, "Are your (or your partner's/other caregiver's) activities regarding how your child uses the Internet helping them to become more experienced/advanced users or not?" “Are you aware that your child has seen or experienced something online in connection with their use of the Internet in the past year that upset them in some way? He, for example, felt embarrassed, upset, or thought that it would be better for him / her not to see this. The oral interview block with the child included questions about Internet use, online activities, and what actions parents, teachers, and friends take to help the child use the Internet safely. For example, “To what extent do you think your parents are aware of what you are doing on the Internet?” Questions for the child regarding their negative experience of using the Internet were presented in separate self-completion questionnaires to ensure the confidentiality of responses and encourage more candid responses. The questions included in this block were aimed at studying children's experience of facing online risks, their perception, the stress experienced in these situations, and the actions taken to cope with it. For example, “During the past 12 months, have you seen or experienced anything on the Internet in connection with your use of the Internet that has bothered you in any way? For example, you felt embarrassed, upset, or thought that it would be better for you not to see this. All children were given envelopes in which they put their completed questionnaires.

In the secondary processing of data in this study, the following characteristics were taken into account:

Socio-demographic factors: the sex and age of the child, as well as the education of the parents (if the level of education differed, then the one of the parents whose education was higher).

Characteristics of user activity. Duration was assessed as the number of years since the child's first exposure to the Internet (number of years online). Frequency of Internet use was calculated based on three questions: “How often do you use the Internet?”, “How much time do you spend on the Internet on a typical/school day?” and “How much time do you spend online on your day off?” (Cronbach's alpha on a scale of 0.68). According to the results of factor analysis, five types of activities on the Internet were identified:

gaming activities on the Internet (games with other people, visiting virtual game worlds);

consumer activity on the Internet (watching video clips, downloading music and movies, and watching news on the Internet for the last month);

communication (viewing email and social network profile on the Internet);

online communication (visiting a chat room, using ICQ and messenger);

educational activities on the Internet (using the Internet for educational purposes).

Cluster analysis revealed three groups of adolescents with different types of activities on the Internet: “study-oriented” (they use the Internet for educational purposes and for offline communication), “consumers of online content” (they use a wide range of activities on the Internet, except for gaming activity). ), "generalists" (use all types of activities, including gaming).

3. Online threats and ways to cope with them. For the purpose of a general assessment of knowledge about risk, children were asked the question: “Is there anything bad on the Internet for a person about your age?” Excessive Internet use (withdrawal symptoms, loss of control, reality substitution, Cronbach's alpha on a scale of 0.76) was assessed, as well as exposure to threats such as sexual images, sexually explicit messages, cyberbullying, negative content (suicide sites, drugs , excessive weight loss, etc.), crimes (fraud), communication and meetings with online acquaintances. Questions about sexual and negative content, as well as fraud, were answered only by teenagers aged 11-16. In relation to exposure to sexual content, cyberbullying, and sending and receiving sexual images, reactions (how much they felt) and various ways of coping with experiences were also evaluated. In other cases (negative content and fraud), the analysis of coping behavior was not carried out due to the small number of subjects who answered these questions. Based on a meaningful analysis of the actions selected from the list of actions, 4 types of ways to cope with cyberbullying and sexual content were identified:

active strategies aimed at solving the problem (“tried to solve the problem”, “tried to make the person leave alone”, “tried to take revenge”, “blocked the ability to communicate”, “changed security settings”);

passive strategies associated with the choice of inaction, avoidance, distancing, denying the problem, focusing on emotions (“hoped that the problem would be solved by itself”, “felt guilty”, “stop using the Internet for a while”, “destroyed any messages”) ;

seeking social support;

the variant “none of the above”, which also implies “other” coping strategies.

The sources of social support were divided into three categories:

offline sources (parents, siblings, teachers, professionals working with children - that is, all the people with whom children usually communicate offline);

online sources (consultants and providers can definitely be attributed to this type, and the vast majority of friends fall into this category for most teenagers: for example, 69% of children 9-10 years old have more than 10 friends on social networks, 28% have more than 50 friends, and by the age of 15-16, one in four has more than 100 friends on social networks, and almost half of Russian schoolchildren communicate on the Internet with those they do not know in real life);

vague sources (other adults whom the child trusts and "anyone else" - people with whom the child can communicate both online and offline).

Table 1. Frequency of adolescent exposure to the risks and threats of the Internet: a comparative analysis of data from Russia and Europe

4. Parent mediation strategies. Three strategies of parental mediation were identified in the Russian sample (Soldatova, Rasskazova, 20136):

explanations and encouragement (for example, "Does your parents / one of your parents talk to you from time to time about what you do online?"; Cronbach's alpha on a scale of 0.83),

parental prohibitions and restrictions (for example, "Do your parents currently allow you to do this, when you want to - upload photos, videos or music?"; Cronbach's alpha 0.88),

monitoring (for example, “Do your parents / one of your parents check any of the following from time to time? What messages do you have in your e-mail / What messages do you receive via messenger, “ICQ”?”; Cronbach's alpha 0.75 ).

In addition, parents answered two questions: “To what extent do you feel able, if at all, to help your child cope with things on the Internet that may disturb or upset him?”, “To what extent do you think your child is able to , if able at all, to deal with things on the Internet that can disturb and upset him?

Processing was carried out using the SPSSStatistics 17.0 program.

Results and its discussion

Facing Online Risks as Difficult Life Situations and Opportunities for Coping Behavior

For all Internet risks, Runet's performance exceeds the European average (Table 1). The largest gap is observed in relation to exposure to sexual content, fraud/identity theft, exposure to negative content. The only indicator by which Europe "overtakes" Russia is the frequency of sending a message of a sexual nature, which, however, may be due to the greater tendency of Russian schoolchildren to hide the fact of intentionally sending such messages.

A more detailed analysis of the two most significant online threats - exposure to sexual content and cyberbullying reveals the following results. Firstly, if the prevalence of offline bullying in Russia and Europe is almost the same (about one in five), cyberbullying is more typical for Runet (most often this happens on social networks). In addition, Russian students are twice as likely as European students (about one in four) to report that they themselves bully others, both online and offline. Exposure to sexual content is also quite common in Russia - slightly above the European average through TV, movies and DVDs and more than twice as high on the Internet. Most encounter this content in pop-ups.

More than two-thirds of the children who have been victims of cyberbullying experience it as a stressful event, almost every third child, regardless of age, experiences what happened for several days or more. Exposure to sexual content is experienced by the majority of children (80%) as a stressful event. Regardless of gender and age, every fifth student remembers what happened for several days or more.

Although boys and girls experience cyberbullying equally often, they differ in the degree of psychological vulnerability: girls are almost twice as likely as boys to be “very much” and “very upset”. Boys and girls get upset about sexual content in much the same way. As children age, they experience less and less of both cyberbullying and sexual content, although 15-16 year olds are slightly more sensitive to sexual content than 13-14 year olds.

Probability of encountering cyberbullying (t=2.147, p<0,05) и с сек­суальными изображениями (t=-2,l, р<0,05) повышается у тех, кто боль­ше времени проводит в сети, а также у тех, чья деятельность в сети - поиско­вая (t= 1,974; р<0,05).

Today, when interpreting “difficult” situations, researchers emphasize not so much their difference from everyday life as their significance for a person and perceived difficulty (Wroschetal., 2003; Marriage, Cummins, 2004). The child's subjective assessment of the situation of encountering online risks as frustrating is considered as an indicator that this situation is experienced by him as "difficult", therefore, requiring coping. Evaluating a cyberbullying situation as "upsetting" conveys only one aspect of the experience. Studies have shown that victims of cyberbullying also have a hard time experiencing this situation, as in the case of offline bullying: they are upset, angry, feel powerless, which in the future can lead to a decrease in self-esteem, the development of anxiety and more severe psychological consequences (Beran, Li , 2005; Wolaketal., 2006). The data obtained show that for Russian schoolchildren who are sensitive to the situation of encountering these types of risks, encounters with cyberbullying and sexual content become difficult online life situations that cannot be resolved with the help of their usual means and methods of action. To get out of them, it is necessary to master new cultural means of coping.

How teenagers cope with difficult situations online (Table 2).

Active and passive strategies as cultural coping strategies

In difficult life situations associated with cyberbullying, more than two-thirds of schoolchildren prefer active coping strategies (choosing at least one of the items for this type of coping), usually by the type of planning or changing security settings (Table 2). When faced with sexual content, active strategies are chosen much less often - every fifth teenager hopes that the problem will be solved by itself, and almost every fifth stops using the Internet for some time. Faced with cyberbullying, girls prefer general strategies, while boys prefer specific actions on the Internet. When confronted with sexual content, boys in general were more likely than girls to choose some active strategy, but preferred to try to "somehow solve the problem." As students get older, they are more likely to adopt specific proactive strategies: “change security settings” to cope with both types of risk. In the case of cyberbullying, the proportion of the confrontational coping strategy increases with age: if every sixth of 9-12-year-old children “tried to take revenge” on the aggressor, then every fourth of 13-16-year-old schoolchildren already answered this way.

Table 2. Types of coping behavior when faced with cyberbullying and sexual content

Students use passive coping strategies in relation to cyberbullying less frequently than active ones, while in relation to sexual content they use approximately the same frequency. The content nature of the second risk does not always make it possible to take active steps to cope. Often encountering sexual images posted on the Internet by accident, it is easier for users to distance themselves from the problem, close the page, turn off the computer. Therefore, when confronted with sexual content, coping by the type of “avoidance” and “distancing” dominates. Every sixth student stops using the Internet for a while, every tenth feels guilty when faced with cyberbullying. When confronted with sexual content, boys are more likely to feel guilty and are much more likely to use specific passive strategies: destroy any messages and stop using the Internet. As schoolchildren grow older, they less and less opt for passive strategies: there is a tendency to reduce the use of “hope that the problem will be solved by itself” strategies. Younger children are not yet ready to face such risks online, so schoolchildren aged 9-12, compared with older children, were significantly more likely to stop using the Internet for a while or “destroy any messages from another person” (p<0,05) и считают та­кую стратегию достаточно эффективной. Чем старше дети, тем чаще они чувствуют свою вину в случившемся, как в случае ки­бербуллинга, так и в случае столкновения с сексуальным контентом.

In general, the choice of active/passive coping strategies is largely determined by the nature of the risk: cyberbullying is a risk associated with communication and interpersonal relationships on the Internet, which often overlap with relationships in real life. Therefore, simply stopping the use of the Internet cannot help resolve this situation, unlike sexual content, which Russian schoolchildren do not often encounter offline. As they grow older, children in both situations are more likely to turn to active versus passive and general versus specific coping strategies. This means that they are getting better at using the online space and building their own online environment in which they function and interact with other users (Subramanyam, Smahel, 2011). And, if the younger children, in the event of an encounter with something unpleasant on the Internet, prefer to turn off the computer and thus isolate themselves from the problem, then the older ones are already trying to cope with the problem in their online space. The strategy of changing security settings, which has become more popular with age, allows you to change and secure your online space in order to not only cope with a difficult online situation, but also prevent new ones from occurring.

Social support and significant others

A significant other is an important component of the process of experiencing a difficult life situation, so the choice of coping by type of social support takes second place when faced with cyberbullying and sexual content. More than two-thirds of children who have experienced cyberbullying and almost half of those who have experienced sexual content have sought social support. Moreover, more often they seek support online and from friends, rather than offline. A trend has been found that girls in general are more likely than boys to apply for social support. As they grow older, there is a tendency to increase the number of requests for social support in situations of cyberbullying. The peak of appeals falls on the age of 13-14 years. Conversely, when confronted with sexual content, seeking social support becomes less popular with age. Younger children are significantly more likely to seek social support offline than children aged 13-16 (p<0,05), независимо от типа риска.

Thus, significant others act as an important resource for developing coping strategies, but in the online environment they are no longer parents, but friends - in many cases they are online sources. Let’s assume that while classifying “friends” as an online contact, despite the above statistics on online communication, we still erred against the truth and our respondents communicate with some of their friends both online and offline, and with some only offline. But even taking into account such an error, the data we obtained for all three categories of social support clearly show that the search for “significant others” as the most important resource for coping with difficult online situations is shifting to the information and communication space of the Internet.

Types of online activities and coping strategies

The active use of the Internet by Russian schoolchildren determined the mastery of various types of online activities by children. How do the strategies for coping with online threats discussed above (passive and active strategies, new cultural activities in the online environment, seeking social support) relate to the intensity of Internet use and different types of online activities? In general, the more time a child spends on the Internet, the more often he chooses active coping strategies in a cyberbullying situation (t=-2.370, p<0,05), в частности, стратегии «изменения на­строек безопасности» (t=2,470, р<0,05). Можно предполагать, что интенсив­ность пользования интернетом форми­рует устойчивость и привыкание детей к сексуальному контенту, который засорил российскую сеть.

The choice of coping behavior is related to the structure of activities on the Internet: learning-oriented adolescents who use the Internet for learning purposes and for asynchronous communication are more likely to use passive strategies (for example, they are more likely to feel guilty, hope that the problem will resolve itself) and seek offline support than "consumers of online content" and "generalists". "Consumers of content" in all cases apply a variety of active strategies. Generalists, when faced with cyberbullying, more often use various active strategies or hope that the situation will resolve itself, while when faced with sexual content, they prefer only one of them - changing security settings. In addition, "generalists" when faced with cyberbullying clearly prefer to receive online support, and when faced with sexual content, they prefer to share information with unidentified sources. In other words, students who frequently use the Internet and practice various types of online activities, in difficult online situations, prefer active strategies that represent special skills and are based on their online competence. In children with high user activity, the vector of searching for “significant others” moves to the network, this is especially true for the situation of cyberbullying.

In general, it is possible to distinguish groups of adolescents with varying degrees of risk of falling into difficult situations. Learning-oriented children are the least exposed to this risk, but they experience such situations more deeply and for a longer time, more often use passive strategies such as avoidance, distancing and accepting responsibility to solve them, have difficulty using online support opportunities, and in a situation of encountering sexual content choose a strategy of temporary stop using the Internet. The “consumers of content” who actively use various resources of the network, including for search, fall into the group of the greatest risk when encountering sexual content on the network, which is natural, given the focus of their activities. Such an intense experience allows them to experience less negative emotions in difficult online situations than students with a different user orientation. They are also more likely to actively try to cope with a problem, use action-oriented types of strategies, use offline support less often, and prefer not to give up using the Internet even in difficult online situations. “Generalists”, characterized by versatile online activity, including those who prefer games, more often than others prefer to solve problems on their own, using active specific actions with a computer to solve the situation on the network, they are less likely to seek support, especially offline. Thus, as the intensity of Internet use increases, as well as the expansion of Internet activities, students are less likely to use passive strategies, preferring active concrete actions that are aimed at changing their online environment in order to cope with emerging risks and prevent their recurrence. According to a European study, children who engage in more diverse online activities are more likely to use active coping strategies when confronted with sexual content (Hasebrinketal., 2011). Our results support this finding for victims of cyberbullying as well. Along with this, the high intensity of online activities associated with communication on the network, which can rightly be called the leading online activity, on the one hand, increases the risks, on the other hand, generates more active strategies, and also reduces the appeal of schoolchildren for social support to offline sources - the search for significant others and competent adults is moving online. When coping with difficult online situations, children turn to their parents less and less, preferring them as significant other friends and competent people in the online environment. This means that the zone of proximal development is being actively formed online.

The role of parental mediation in ensuring the psychological safety of children and adolescents

More than half of parents believe that they should participate more in children's activities on the Internet, moreover, in 14% of cases, the children themselves say that they would like more participation of parents. At the same time, according to parents, about 20% of teenagers cannot or “not particularly able” to cope with difficulties on the Internet, but the parents themselves do not feel competent enough to help.

What actions of parents help the child on the Internet? An analysis of the role of various strategies (Table 3) allows us to draw the following conclusions:

Children appreciate the threats of the Internet better if their parents are prone to explanations and encouragement, and worse if they try to use prohibitions and restrictions. In other words, explanations do help children better know the pitfalls of the Internet, while in the case of bans and monitoring, they do not take the risk seriously.

Prohibitions and restrictions "totally" reduce the frequency of using the Internet - such children go online less often, encounter sexual and negative content less often, meet online acquaintances less often (p<0,05). Столкнувшись с проблемами, такие дети более пассивны - вме­сто активного решения проблемы они отказываются от пользования интер­нетом. Запреты хорошо «работают» в отношении подростков, ориенти­рованных на учебу (которые в целом реже сталкиваются с угрозами в ин­тернете) и плохо - в отношении де­тей, посвящающих свое время поиску в интернете, онлайн игре и общению.

Parental control has little to do with online risks: children who are supervised only use the Internet a little less and communicate online with strangers a little less.

Explanations and encouragement from parents have little to do with the frequency of exposure to risks (children use the Internet a little less often, receive sexual messages and communicate with strangers online), but such children react less painfully to a collision with Internet risks and overcome them more actively. In addition, explanations and encouragement reduce the risk of Internet addiction - excessive use of the Internet by "generalists" who spend time in online games and socializing.

It does not depend on the actions of the parents whether the child, for example, encounters bullying on the Internet and whether he becomes a victim of crimes. This is in line with previous findings (Soldatova et al., 2013) that parents are little aware of such threats and often do not know what to do in such cases.

Conclusion

The data obtained support the hypothesis that the Internet for a modern teenager does not act as a separate sphere of his life or a separate activity, but as a complexly organized psychological “tool” (according to L.S. Vygotsky), which is appropriated by the child, setting the features of his activity and self-regulation , including his ability to cope with difficult life situations, his “vulnerability” and “proximal development” zones. At the same time, both the risks and the child's own coping opportunities, and the opportunities of loved ones are determined and mediated both by the new social situation of development and by the structure of his activity on the Internet. The first vector includes getting used to the most frequent stressful components of the Runet (sexual content, in particular), the general mastering of active and specific ways of coping, the shift in the search for social support online, which are noted with the expansion of user activity and experience of a teenager, both online (user activity ) and offline (age). The specific social situation of development also sets a new range of risks - the frequency of signs of excessive use of the Internet is increasing, including situations of refusal of offline communication and duties, negative experiences in the absence of a network, etc. The psychological safety of children and adolescents on the Internet also depends on parental mediation strategies: prohibitions and restrictions, while reducing the likelihood of a teenager encountering online threats, may prevent him from developing active coping and coping strategies, while explanations and encouragement contribute to a better understanding of the risks that teenagers face. he may encounter.

Table 3. Parental actions and Internet risks

The second vector is manifested in a complex interaction between the characteristics of a teenager's activity on the Internet and his coping abilities, as well as the effectiveness of parental assistance. Learning-oriented children are the least exposed to online risks, including the risks of addiction, they are sensitive to parental prohibitions and often resort to their help, but when faced with difficulties, they often take a passive position and practically cannot use specific ways to ensure information security (for example, changing technical settings). “Consumers of content” are more likely to face the risks and threats of the Internet, less likely to react painfully, and prefer proactive coping strategies and seeking online support. “Generalists” are most at risk of excessive use of the Internet, prefer to solve problems on their own, most often respond to prohibitions with refusal and a paradoxical increase in activity, but can listen to explanations and encouragement.

It should be noted that both the adolescents' own opportunities to ensure their safety on the Runet and the possibilities of their parents are relatively small. Risk exposure rates are higher than European data; the formation of compensatory indifference to stressful content is not always possible. In addition, the psychological content of this phenomenon requires a separate study. Is it about the action of the protective mechanisms of denial? Does this indifference have an impact on the teenager's future attitude towards romantic and sexual relationships? What kind of social norms are formed in the digital generation as a result of exposure to this content? In many cases, adolescents do not have active and concrete ways to ensure their own safety and solve problems that have arisen, resorting to passive waiting, refusal to use the Internet, and self-blame. At the same time, online support sources - friends cannot always act as a competent informant on security issues, in particular, due to their frequent unwillingness to “let adults into their Internet life” and illusory ideas about their own competence in the digital world (Soldatova and auth., 2013). Parents, often seeing the need for their intervention, often do not have sufficient tools for this, are not informed about how to determine what kind of individual approach a child needs, and prefer the strategy of prohibitions and restrictions. Such actions can prevent a child from appropriating the Internet as a psychological “tool” that opens up not only risks, but also opportunities for coping. Moreover, in the case of "generalists" such actions lead to paradoxical results - an active search for "forbidden" fruits. These results make the issues of diagnostics and development of digital competence of adolescents, parents and teachers relevant.

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To cite an article:

Soldatova G.U., Rasskazova E.I. Adolescent Internet Safety: Risks, Coping, and Parental Mediation. // National Psychological Journal - 2014. - No. 3 (15) - pp. 39-51.