Boris Akunin

Between Asia and Europe. History Of the Russian state... From Ivan III to Boris Godunov

The design used illustrations provided by the agencies Shutterstock, RIA Novosti, MIA Rossiya Segodnya, Diomedia, Fotodom and free sources

Reviewers:

Boris N. Morozov (Institute of Slavic Studies RAS)

L. E. Morozova (Institute of Russian History, RAS)

S. Yu. Shokarev ( Historical and Archival Institute RGGU)

© B. Akunin, 2016

© AST Publishing House LLC, 2016

Preface to the third volume

Volume one described an earlier Russian state, which appeared at the end of the 9th century, existed for several centuries and disintegrated. main reason the failure of this “first attempt,” to put it briefly and simplistically, consisted in the fact that the reason for which this state arose had disappeared. It was formed on a key section of the great merchant route "from the Varangians to the Greeks" - along the rivers connecting the Black Sea with the Baltic. As long as this commercial highway retained its importance, Kievan Rus flourished, richer and expanded, in modern terms, due to the benefits of "transit service" and participation in the Byzantine-European trade. When the river route began to deteriorate due to the opening of new trade routes and the weakening of Byzantium, it turned out that the Russian central government was too weak, and the internal interregional ties were not developed enough to keep such a large territory within one political system. It became more profitable for local rulers to exist on their own than to share income with the Kiev Grand Duke, and he did not have enough funds to cope with the centrifugal movement. A vast, but loosely knit state, which covered a significant part of of Eastern Europe, in the XII century it broke up into many medium and small principalities, which occasionally united in the face of external danger, but more often fought among themselves. However, they still continued to be called "Rus", preserved one language, a common culture, a single church organization and were ruled by relatives - members of the Rurik dynasty. By the time of the catastrophe of 1237, the Russian state as such no longer existed for a long time, but the country still survived.

In the second volume, it was told how, due to the intervention of an external force - Mongol invasion- the country also disappeared for a while. Russia lost its independence and fell into two parts, each of which later went its own historically... The eastern half became first the Horde province, and then the Horde protectorate; the western one fell under the rule of the Lithuanian grand dukes and Polish kings... For more than two hundred years, from the middle of the 13th to the middle of the 15th century, the sovereign Russian state did not exist.

However, as the great empire of Genghis Khan weakened, due to a number of objective, but to an even greater extent random factors, one of the small principalities, Moscow, began to strengthen in the north-east of the former country. Very slowly, over a century and a half, overcoming the resistance of neighbors and flexibly adapting to the changing situation within the Horde, the Moscow rulers achieved that their leadership became undeniable, and the supremacy of the Tatar khan turned into an empty formality. By the time of the death of Vasily II and the reign of his son Ivan III (1462), all the prerequisites for the revival of a large state were ripe in the eastern half of Russia - second the Russian state.

Coming to work on the Russian History, I deliberately refused to build any concept. I don’t have such a temptation even now. I still do not intend to prove anything to readers, I do not want to convince them of the correctness of my view of history. I just want to go through the entire chain of events to see how the Russian state developed and try to understand why it was able to cope with some tasks and failed to cope with others; at what moments the state power acted in the interests of the country and the people, and when it harmed them; in general - what is “benefit” and “harm” in relation to the country at each historical stage. And yet, even with such a deliberately unscientific, non-methodological way of presentation, it is difficult not to notice that over the course of a thousand-year history, the vectors of motion have repeatedly alternated. The country, geographically located at the junction of Western and Eastern civilizations, was led in the direction of the West, then in the direction of the East. These transitions from conditional Europe to conditional Asia and back are so obvious that few serious historians dispute the historical “two-component nature” of Russian statehood.

Between Asia and Europe. History of the Russian state. From Ivan III to Boris Godunov

History of the Russian state - 3

The design used illustrations provided by the agencies Shutterstock, RIA Novosti, MIA Rossiya Segodnya, Diomedia, Fotodom and free sources

Reviewers:

Boris N. Morozov (Institute of Slavic Studies RAS)

L. E. Morozova (Institute of Russian History, RAS) ...

S. Yu. Shokarev (Historical and Archival Institute, Russian State University for the Humanities)

* * *

Preface to the third volume

The first volume described the early Russian state, which appeared at the end of the 9th century, existed for several centuries and disintegrated. The main reason for the failure of this "first attempt", to put it briefly and simplistically, was that the reason for which this state arose had disappeared. It was formed on a key section of the great merchant route "from the Varangians to the Greeks" - along the rivers connecting the Black Sea with the Baltic. While this commercial highway retained its importance, Kievan Rus flourished, grew rich and expanded, in modern language, due to the benefits of "transit service" and participation in Byzantine and European trade. When the river route began to deteriorate due to the opening of new trade routes and the weakening of Byzantium, it turned out that the Russian central government was too weak, and the internal interregional ties were not sufficiently developed to keep such a large territory within one political system. It became more profitable for local rulers to exist independently than to share income with the Kiev Grand Duke, and he did not have enough funds to cope with the centrifugal movement. The vast, but loosely knit state, which encompassed a significant part of Eastern Europe, in the XII century broke up into many medium and small principalities, which occasionally united in the face of external danger, but more often fought among themselves. However, they still continued to be called "Rus", preserved one language, a common culture, a single church organization and were ruled by relatives - members of the Rurik dynasty. By the time of the catastrophe of 1237, the Russian state as such no longer existed for a long time, but the country still survived.

The second volume described how, due to the intervention of an external force - the Mongol invasion - the country also disappeared for a while. Russia lost its independence and fell into two parts, each of which later followed its own historical path. The eastern half became first the Horde province, and then the Horde protectorate; the western one came under the rule of the Lithuanian grand dukes and Polish kings. For more than two hundred years, from the middle of the 13th to the middle of the 15th century, the sovereign Russian state did not exist.

N.M. Karamzin. History of Russian Goverment

IVAN III. THE FALL OF NOVGOROD

Henceforth, our History accepts the dignity of a truly state, describing no longer senseless princely fights, but the deeds of the Kingdom, gaining independence and greatness. Diversity disappears along with our citizenship; a strong Power is formed, as if new for Europe and Asia, which, seeing it with surprise, offer it a famous place in their political system. Already our alliances and wars have an important goal: every special enterprise is a consequence main idea striving for the good of the fatherland. The people will still grow stiff in ignorance, in rudeness; but the government is already acting according to the laws of the enlightened mind. The best armies are organized, the Arts, which are most needed for the success of military and civilians, are called up; The Grand Ducal embassies rush to all the famous Courtyards; Foreign embassies one after another appear in our capital: the Emperor, Pope, Kings, Republics, Asiatic Kings greet the Russian Monarch, glorious with victories and conquests from the great-grandfathers of Lithuania and Novgorod to Siberia. Dying Greece denies us the remnants of its ancient greatness: Italy gives the first fruits of the arts that are born in it. Moscow is adorned with magnificent buildings. The earth opens its bowels, and with our own hands we extract precious metals from these. Here is the content of the brilliant History of John III, who had the rare fortune of reigning for forty-three years and was worthy of it, reigning for the greatness and glory of the Russians.

John, in the twelfth year of his life, was married to Mary, the Princess of Tver; on the eighteenth already had a son, also named John, nicknamed Mladogo, and on the twenty-second became the Emperor. But in the years of ardent youth, he showed caution, characteristic of mature, experienced minds, but natural for him: neither in the beginning, nor after did he like impudent courage; waited for an opportunity, chose the time; did not quickly rush to the goal, but moved towards it with measured steps, fearing equally frivolous fervor and injustice, respecting the general opinion and the rules of the century. Appointed by Fate to restore the monarchy in Russia, he did not suddenly undertake this great deed and did not consider all means permissible. Moscow Viceroys ruled Ryazan; her young Prince, Vasily, was brought up in our capital: in one word, John could annex his land to the Grand Duke, but he did not want that and sent sixteen-year-old Vasily to rule in Ryazan, giving him his younger sister, Anna. He also recognized the independence of Tver, having concluded an agreement with his brother-in-law, Mikhail Borisovich, as with his brother and equal to him the Great Prince; did not require any eldership for himself; gave his word not to intervene House of the Holy Savior, did not accept either Tver or Kashin from the Khan, approved the boundaries of their possessions, as they were under Mikhail Yaroslavich. The son-in-law and brother-in-law agreed to act together against the Tatars, Lithuania, Poland and the Germans; the second pledged not to have any relations with the enemies of the first, with the sons of Shemyaka, Vasily Yaroslavich Borovsky and with the Mozhaiskys; and the Grand Duke promised not to patronize the enemies of Tverskoy. Mikhail Andreevich Vereisky, by treaty letters, ceded to John some places from his Lot and admitted himself junior in relation to his smallest brothers; among other things, he retained all the ancient rights of the Sovereign Prince.

The Pskovites insulted John. Vasily the Dark, shortly before his death, gave them the Governors, without their will, Prince Vladimir Andreyevich, they accepted him, but did not love him and soon kicked him out: they even cursed him and pushed him off the porch at Veche. Vladimir went to Moscow to complain, where the Boyars Pskovskys followed him. For three days the Grand Duke did not want to see them; on the fourth he listened to the apology, forgave and graciously allowed them to choose a Prince for themselves. The Pskovites chose the Prince of Zvenigorod, Ivan Alexandrovich: John confirmed him in this dignity and made him even more: he sent an army to them to punish the Germans for breaking the peace: for the inhabitants of Dorpat then put our merchants in prison. This war, as usual, had no important consequences. The Germans fled with great shame from the vanguard of the Russian; and the Pskovites, having several cannons, besieged Neuhausen and through the Master of Livonian soon concluded a truce for nine years, with the condition that the Bishop of Dorpat, according to ancient charters, pay some kind of tribute to the Grand Duke, without oppressing the inhabitants of the Russian settlement in this city nor our churches. Voevoda Ioannov, Prince Fyodor Yuryevich, returned to Moscow, showered with gratitude from the Pskovites and gifts, which consisted of thirty rubles for him and fifty for all the Boyars who were with him.

The residents of Novgorod did not take part in this war and even clearly favored the Order: to their annoyance, the Pskovites deferred from their Archbishop, they wanted to have their own special Saint and asked the Grand Duke for this. Novgorod was also in friendly relations with Moscow and obeyed its Sovereign: prudent John answered the Pskovites: “In a matter of such importance, I must learn the opinion of the Metropolitan and all Russian Bishops. You and your elder brothers, Novogorodtsy, my fatherland, complain about each other; they demanded from me the Governor to subdue you with weapons: I did not tell them to think about this civil strife, nor to delay your Ambassadors on their way to me; I want silence and peace; I will be a righteous judge among you. " Having said, he did the work of a peacemaker. The Pskovites returned the church lands to Archbishop Jonah and by mutual oaths confirmed the ancient brotherly alliance with the Novgorodians. After several years, the Pskov clergy, being very dissatisfied with the rule of Jonah, accused of carelessness and self-interest, wanted to solve all church affairs according to the Nomokanon without his jurisdiction and, with the consent of civil officials, wrote a letter of judgment for themselves; but the Grand Duke again stood up for the ancient rights of the Archbishop: the letter was destroyed, and everything remained as it was.

For three years, John ruled peacefully and calmly, without giving up the name of the Orda tributary, but no longer demanding merciful labels from the Khan for the dignity of the Grand Duke and, probably, without paying tribute, so Tsar Akhmat, the ruler of the Volga Ulus, decided to resort to arms; I joined all my forces and wanted to go to Moscow. But happiness, favoring John, raised the Horde against the Horde: Khan Krymsky, Hazi-Girey, met Akhmat on the banks of the Don: a bloody war began between them, and Russia remained in silence, preparing for important exploits.

In addition to external dangers and enemies, young John had to overcome the general despondency of hearts, some kind of relaxation, the drowsiness of spiritual forces inside the State. The seventh thousand years elapsed from the creation of the world according to the Greek chronologists: superstition with its end was waiting for the end of the world. This unfortunate thought, dominating in the minds, instilled in people indifference to the glory and good of the fatherland; they were less ashamed of the state yoke, less captivated by the idea of ​​independence, thinking that everything was not for long. But the sadness affected hearts and imagination all the more. Eclipses, imaginary miracles terrified the commoners more than ever. They assured that the Rostov lake for two whole weeks howled terribly every night and did not allow the surrounding inhabitants to sleep. There were also important, real disasters: from the extreme cold and frost, grain in the fields was lost; for two years in a row there was deep snow in the month of May. An ulcer called in the annals iron, she also looked for victims in Russia, especially in the Novgorod and Pskov possessions, where, according to the calculation of one Chronicler, 250,652 people died in two years; in Novgorod alone 48402, in monasteries about 8000. In Moscow, in other cities, in villages and on the roads, many people also died from this infection.

Grieving along with the people, the Grand Duke, moreover, had the misfortune to mourn the premature death of his young, tender wife, Mary. She died suddenly: John was then in Kolomna: his mother and the Metropolitan buried her in the Kremlin Church of the Ascension (where, since the time of Vasily Dimitrievich, princesses began to be buried). This unexpected death was attributed to the action of poison, solely because the body of the deceased suddenly swelled in an unusual way. The wife of the Nobleman Alexei Poluevktov, Natalia, was suspected, who, while serving Maria, once sent her belt to some witch. Evidence so false did not convince the Grand Duke of the truth of the alleged villainy; however, Alexei Poluevktov did not dare to show himself in front of him for six years.

The Chroniclers also count among the grievous cases of this time that the Primate Theodosius, virtuous, zealous, left the Metropolis. The reason is memorable. The piety, fueled by the thought of the imminent end of the world, contributed to the immoderate multiplication of temples and priests: every rich person wanted to have his own church. Lovers of idleness went to the Deacons and to the Priests, seducing the people not only with gross ignorance, but also with a depraved life. The Metropolitan thought to put an end to evil: weekly he collected them, taught them, tonsured widows into Monks, deprived of their dignity and punished them without mercy. The consequence was that many churches were empty without Priests. There was a murmur against Theodosius, and this strict Shepherd, but not very firm in soul, out of grief refused to rule. The Grand Duke summoned to Moscow his brothers, all the Bishops, spiritual dignitaries, who unanimously elected the Suzdal saint, Philip, to Metropolitan; and Theodosius was imprisoned in the Miracle Monastery and, taking one leper to his cell, followed him until the end of his life, washing his scabs himself. The Russians regretted the Shepherd so pious and feared that Heaven would not execute them for insulting the holy husband.

Finally, John began military action to dispel his sorrow and awaken the spirit of courage in the Russians. Tsarevich Kasim, being a faithful servant of Vasily the Dark, received from him a Meshchersky town in the Udel on the banks of the Oka, named from that time Kasimov, lived there in abundance and tranquility; had relations with the nobles of Kazan and, secretly invited by them to overthrow their new Tsar, Ibrahim, his stepson, demanded troops from John, who gladly saw an opportunity to arrogate to himself power over the dangerous Kazan in order to calm our eastern borders, subject to the confluence of its predatory, warlike people ... Prince Ivan Yuryevich Patrekeev and Striga-Obolensky set out from Moscow with regiments: Kasim showed them the way and thought to suddenly appear under the walls of the Ibragimov capital; but the numerous army of Kazan, led by the Tsar, already stood on the banks of the Volga and forced the Moscow governors to go back. In this unsuccessful autumn campaign, the Russians suffered a lot from bad weather and rains, drowned in the mud, threw away their armor, killed their horses and themselves, having no bread, ate meat during fasting (which could have happened then only in a terrible extreme). However, they all returned safe and sound. The Tsar did not dare to chase after them, but sent a detachment to Galich, where the Tatars could not do important harm: for the Grand Duke managed to take measures, having occupied all the border cities with military squads: Nizhny, Murom, Kostroma, Galich.

1468 Immediately another army of Moscow with Prince Simeon Romanovich went from Galich to the Cheremis land (in the present Vyatka and Kazan Provinces) through dense forests, already filled with snow, and in the most severe frosts. The Tsar's command and the hope of enriching themselves with booty gave the soldiers the strength to overcome all difficulties. For more than a month they walked through the forest deserts, not seeing any villages or paths in front of them: not people, but animals still lived on the wild banks of the Vetluga, Usta, Kuma. Having entered the land of Cheremis, abundant in bread and cattle - ruled by their own Princes, but subservient to the Tsar of Kazan - the Russians destroyed everything that they could not take as prey; slaughtered livestock and people; burned not only the villages, but also the poor people, choosing any prisoners. Our law of war was even older, barbaric; any villainy in an enemy country was considered legal. - Prince Simeon reached almost as far as Kazan and, without a battle shedding a lot of blood, returned with the name of the winner. - Prince Ivan Striga-Obolensky expelled the Kazan Robbers from the Kostroma region. Prince Daniil Kholmsky beat another gang of them near Murom: only a few escaped into the dense forests, leaving their horses. Murom, Nizhny Novgorod devastated the banks of the Volga within the Ibragimov Kingdom.

John also wanted the most important feat in order to make up for the first failure and humble Ibrahim; gathered all the Princes, Boyar and himself led the army to the border, leaving his younger brother, Andrei, in Moscow. According to the ancient custom of our Princes, he took with him his ten-year-old son, in order to accustom him to the military work in advance. But this campaign did not take place. Having learned about the arrival of the Lithuanian, Kazimierz Ambassador, Jacob the Pisar, that is, the Secretary of the State, John ordered him to be with him in Pereslavl and go back to the King with an answer; and he himself, for some unknown reason, returned to Moscow, sending from Vladimir only a small detachment to Kichmenga, where the Kazan Tatars burned and plundered villages. Leaving his intention to personally lead the army, John ordered the Voevods to go to the banks of the Kama from Moscow, Galich, Vologda, Ustyug and Kichmenga with the Boyarsky and Kozak children. The main chiefs were Fleece of Moscow and Prince Ivan Zvenets of Ustyug. All united in the land of Vyatka, near Kotelnich, and walked along the banks of the Vyatka river, the land of Cheremissky, to the Kama, Tamluga and Tatarsky transport, from where they turned Kama to Belaya Volozhka, destroying everything with fire and sword, killing, capturing the defenseless. Having overtaken in one place 200 armed Kazanians, the Moscow commanders were ashamed to act against them with all their might and chose hunters who exterminated this crowd, taking two of its commanders prisoner. There were no other battles: Tatars, accustomed to falling into foreign lands, did not know how to defend their own. Having intercepted a lot of rich merchant ships on the Kama, the Russians with noble booty returned through the great Perm to Ustyug and to Moscow. - On the other hand, the Voevoda of Nizhny Novgorod went to Kazantsev, Prince Fyodor Khripun-Ryapolovsky with the Moscow squad and, meeting a detachment of Tsarist bodyguards on the Volga, beat him completely. Among the captives sent to John, in Moscow, was the famous Prince of Tatars, Khozyum Berdey.

But the Kazanians meanwhile appropriated dominion over Vyatka: their strong army; having entered its borders, he so frightened the inhabitants that they, not having much zeal for the Moscow Tsars, without resistance declared themselves subjects of Tsar Ibrahim. This easy conquest was fragile: Kazan could not fight Moscow.

1469 In the following spring, John set out to strike a major blow to this kingdom. Not only the Grand Ducal Court with the Boyar children of all cities and all Districts, but also Moscow merchants, together with other residents of the capital, armed themselves under the special command of Prince Peter Vasilyevich Obolensky-Nagy. The main leader was appointed Prince Konstantin Aleksandrovich Bezzubtsev, and the place of connection Nizhny Novgorod... The regiments boarded ships in Moscow, Kolomna, Vladimir, Suzdal, Murom. Dmitrovtsy, Mozhaitsy, Uglichians, Rostovites, Yaroslavl, Kostromichi sailed along the Volga; others Okoyu, and at one time they converged at the mouth of these two majestic rivers. Such a famous ship militia was an interesting sight for northern Russia, which had never seen anything like it.

Already the Chief Voivode, Prince Constantine, having made general orders, was preparing to go further; but John, suddenly changing his thoughts, wrote to him that he would remain in Nizhniy Novgorod until the time and only with light detachments made up of hunters would disturb the enemy land on both sides of the Volga. The chroniclers do not say what prompted John to do so; but the reason seems clear. Tsarevich Kasim, the culprit of this war, died: his wife, Ibragimov's mother, undertook to persuade her son to friendship with Russia, and the Grand Duke hoped without important military efforts to achieve his goal and humble Kazan. It didn't happen.

The voivode announced the will of the Tsar to the Princes and officials: they unanimously replied: "we all want to execute the infidels" - and with his permission they immediately set off, in the then expression, seek military honor having more zeal than prudence; set sail, weighed anchor, and the dock was soon empty. The voivode was left in Nizhny with almost no troops and did not even elect a chief commander for them. They themselves saw the need for this: having sailed to the place of old Nizhny Novgorod, they sang a prayer service there in the Church of the Transfiguration, gave alms and in the general council chose Ivan Run as their leader. They were not ordered to go to Kazan; but Runo did in his own way: without wasting time, he hurried to the Tsar's capital and, before dawn, leaving the ships, swiftly hit its posad with a shout and a trumpet sound. The morning dawn barely lit the sky; The citizens of Kazan were still asleep. The Russians entered the streets without resistance, robbed, cut; freed the prisoners of Moscow, Ryazan, Lithuanian, Vyatka, Ustyug, Perm who were there, and set fire to the suburb from all sides. The Tatars, with their most precious property, with their wives and children, locked themselves in their houses, were victims of the flame. Having turned into ashes everything that could burn, the Russians, tired, burdened with prey, retreated, boarded ships and went to the Cow Island, where they stood for a whole week without doing anything: by which Runo incurred suspicion of treason. Many thought that, using the terror of the Tatars, through the flames and smoke of the outskirts, he could enter the city, but by force he pulled the regiments away from the attack in order to secretly take payback from the Tsar. At least no one understood why this Voivode, having an extraordinary glory of reason, wastes his time; why does he not act or retire with the spoils and captives?

It was easy to foresee that the Tsar would not doze in his, all around the burnt capital: finally, the Russian prisoner, running out of Kazan, brought the news to our people that Ibrahim had connected all the Kama, Syplinski, Kostyatsk, Belovolzhsk, Votyatsk, Bashkir regiments and was preparing the next morning to step on the Russians with horse and ship. The governors of Moscow were in a hurry to take measures: they selected the young people and sent them with large ships to the Irikhov Island, not ordering them to go to the narrow place of the Volga; while they themselves remained on the shore in order to keep the enemy, who really left the city. Although the young people did not obey the Voevod and stood, as it were, on purpose in a narrow channel where the enemy cavalry could shoot at them, they courageously repulsed it. The governors just as successfully had a battle with the Kazan boats and, having driven them to the city, united with their large ships at the Irikhov Island, glorifying the victory and the Emperor.

Then the chief Voevoda, Prince Konstantin Bezzubtsev, arrived from Nizhny Novgorod, having learned that, contrary to Ioann's intention, they approached Kazan. Until now, success served them as an excuse: Konstantin wanted something even more important: he sent messengers to Moscow, with news of what had happened, and to Vyatka, with an order that its inhabitants immediately go to him near Kazan. He did not yet know their cunning. John, having sent the main army to Nizhny in the spring, at the same time ordered Prince Daniil of Yaroslavsky with a detachment of the Boyarsky Children and with the Ustyuzhan regiment, and another Voevoda, Saburov, with the Vologzhans to sail on ships to Vyatka, to take there all the people fit for military affairs, and go with them to the Tsar of Kazan. But the rulers of the Vyatka cities, dreaming of their ancient independence, responded to Daniel Yaroslavsky: “We told the Tsar that we would not help either the Grand Duke against him or him against the Grand Duke; we want to keep our word and stay at home. " They had then Ambassador Ibragimov, who immediately made it known to Kazan that the Russians from Ustyug and Vologda were going to its borders with small forces. Refusing to help Prince Yaroslavsky, the Vyatchans also refused to Bezzubtsev, but invented only another excuse, saying: "When the brothers of the Grand Duke go to the Tsar, then we will go." After waiting in vain for the Vyatsky Regiments for about a month, having no news from the Prince of Yaroslavl and starting to suffer a shortage of food supplies, Voevoda Bezzubtsev went back to Nizhny. On the way, the Dowager Queen of Kazan, Ibragimov's mother, met him and said that the Grand Duke had let her go with honor and with mercy; that the war would end and that Ibrahim would satisfy all the demands of John. Reassured by her words, our voivods settled down on the shore to celebrate Sunday, serve mass and feast. But suddenly the army of Kazan appeared, ship and horse. The Russians barely had time to get ready. They fought until nightfall; Kazan ships retreated to the opposite bank, where the cavalry stood, firing arrows at ours, who did not want to fight on the dry path, and spent the night on the other side of the Volga. The next morning, neither one nor the other thought to resume the battle; and Prince Bezzubtsev sailed safely to Nizhny Novgorod.

Prince Yaroslavsky was not so happy. Seeing the disobedience of the Vyatchan people, he decided to go without them in order to unite with the Moscow police in the vicinity of Kazan. Notified about his campaign, Ibrahim blocked the Volga with ships and put his cavalry on the shore. A battle took place, memorable for mutual courage: they grabbed hands, split swords. The main leaders of Moscow fell dead; others were wounded or taken prisoner; but Prince Vasily Ukhtomsky overcame the plurality of courage: he interlocked with the Ibragim ships, struck the enemies with a donkey and drowned them in the river. The Ustyuzhans, together with him showing a rare fearlessness, made their way through Kazantsev, reached Novgorod Nizhny and let John know, who, as a sign of special favor, sent them two gold money and several caftans. Ustyuzhan gave money to his priest, saying to him: “Pray to God for the Tsar and the Orthodox army; and we are ready to continue to fight like this. "

1469 Deceived by the flattering promises of Ibragim's mother, dissatisfied with our Voevods, John embarked on a new campaign in the same autumn, entrusting the leadership to his brothers Yuri and Andrey. The entire Court of the Grand Duke and all the Princes Servicemen were with them. Among the most notable Voivods, the Chroniclers name Prince Ivan Yuryevich Patrekeev. Daniil Kholmsky led the forward regiment; the numerous host walked dry, the other swam along the Volga; both approached Kazan, defeated the Tatars in a sortie, took water away from the city and forced Ibrahim to make peace at will Sovereign of Moscow: that is, to fulfill all his requirements. He restored freedom to our captives taken for forty years.

This feat was the first of the famous successes of Ioannov's statehood: the second had even more favorable consequences for the power of the Grand Duke within Russia. Vasily the Dark returned Torzhok to the Novgorodians: but other lands taken away from them by the son of Donskoy, Vasily Dimitrievich, remained with Moscow: not yet sure of the firmness of John's character and even doubting it about the first actions of this Prince, marked by moderation, peacefulness, they dared to be , hoping to seem terrible to him, humiliate Moscow's pride, restore the ancient rights of their liberty, lost by the excessive compliance of their fathers and grandfathers. With this intention they got down to business: they seized many of the revenues, lands and waters of the Prince's; took an oath from the residents only in the name of Novgorod; despised John Viceroys and Ambassadors; the authorities of the Veche took noble people into custody at the Gorodishche, a place that was not subject to the people's government; made grievances to the Muscovites. The Tsar demanded satisfaction from them several times: they were silent. Finally, the Novogorodsky Posadnik, Vasily Ananyin, arrived in Moscow with the ordinary affairs of the Zemsky; but there was no word in response to John's complaints. "I don't know anything," said Posadnik to the Moscow Boyars, "Veliky Novgorod did not give me any orders about that." John dismissed this official with the following words: “Tell the people of Novgorod, my fatherland, that they admit their guilt and correct themselves; my land and my waters have not entered, my name kept honest and menacing in the old days fulfilling the vow of the godfather, if they want protection and mercy from me; tell me that patience is at an end and that mine will not last. "

At the same time, the Grand Duke wrote to the Pskovites, who were loyal to him, so that they, in case of further obstinacy of the Novgorodians, prepare together with him to act against these disobedient ones. His viceroy in Pskov was then Prince Feodor Yuryevich, the famous Voevoda, who with the Moscow squad defended this region in last war with the Germans: out of excellent respect for his person, the Pskovites gave him the right of judgment in all twelve their suburbs; and until then, the Princes tried and served only in seven: others depended on the people's power. Boyar of Moscow, Selivan, presented the Pskovites with a letter to Ioannov. They themselves had various annoyances from the Novgorodians; however, following the suggestions of prudence, they sent an embassy to them with a proposal to be peacemakers between them and the Grand Duke. "We do not want to bow to John and we do not ask for your intercession," the local rulers answered: "but if you are conscientious and our friends, then arm yourself for us against the autocracy of Moscow." The Pskovites said: "We will see" - and let the Grand Duke know that they were ready to help him with all their might.

1470 Meanwhile, according to the legend of the Chroniclers, there were terrible signs in Novgorod: a strong storm broke the cross of the St. Sophia Church; the ancient Kherson bells in the monastery on Khutyn made a sad sound by themselves; blood appeared on coffins, and so on. Quiet, peace-loving people trembled and prayed to God: others laughed at them and imaginary miracles. The frivolous people more than ever dreamed of the delights of freedom; wanted a close alliance with Casimir and received from him the Voevoda, Prince Mikhail Olelkovich, whose brother, Simeon, then ruled in Kiev with honor and glory, like the ancient Princes of Vladimirov's tribe as the Chroniclers say. A lot of Pans and knights of Lithuania came with Mikhail to Novgorod.

At this time, Vladyka Jonah of Novgorod died: the people chose Protodeacon Fiophilus as Archbishop, who could not go to Moscow to be ordained without the consent of Ioannov: Novgorodians, through their Boyar, Nikita, asked the Grand Duke, his mother and the Metropolitan. John gave dangerous letter for the arrival of Feofilov. to the capital and, peacefully releasing the Ambassador, he said to him: “Theophilus, your chosen one; will be received with honor and appointed to the Archbishop; I will not violate the ancient customs in anything and I am ready to favor you as my fatherland, if you sincerely admit your guilt, not forgetting that my ancestors were called the Grand Dukes of Vladimir, Novgorod and all Russia»1471 The ambassador, returning to Novgorod, announced to the people about the gracious favor of John. Many citizens, noble officials and the named Archbishop Theophilos wanted to take advantage of this opportunity. to end the dangerous feud with the Grand Duke; but soon a rebellion began, which had not happened for a long time in this people's state.

Contrary to the ancient traditions and customs of the Slavs, which removed the female sex from any participation in the affairs of citizenship, the proud, ambitious wife of the former Posadnik Isaac Boretsky, the mother of two sons already grown up, named Martha, began to decide the fate of the fatherland. Cunning, magnificence, nobility, wealth and luxury provided her with a way to act on the government. People's officials agreed on its magnificent or, in the then, odd at home to feast and consult on the most important matters. Thus, St. Zosima, Abbot of the Solovetsky Monastery, complaining in Novgorod about the insults of the Dvina inhabitants, especially the Boyarskys, the local clerks, had to seek the patronage of Martha, who had rich villages in the Dvina land. At first, deceived by the slanderers, she did not want to see him; but later, having learned the truth, she showered Zosima with caresses, invited her to dinner with the most distinguished people, and gave the Solovetsky Monastery land. Still not satisfied with the general respect and the fact that the Grand Duke, as a sign of special mercy, granted her son, Demetrius, to the noble rank of Boyar of Moscow, this proud wife wanted to free Novgorod from the power of Ioannova and, according to the Chroniclers, to marry some I will be the grandee of Lithuania, so that together with him I will rule, in the name of Kazimirov, over my fatherland. Prince Mikhail Olelkovich, having served her as a tool for some time, lost her favor and with vexation went back to Kiev, robbing Rusa. This case proved that Novgorod could not expect either zeal or loyalty from the Princes of Lithuania; but Boretskaya, opening her house to the noisy hosts, glorified Casimir from morning to evening, convincing citizens of the need to seek his protection against the oppression of John. Among the Posadnitsa's zealous friends was Monk Pimen, the Archbishop's Keeper: he hoped to take the place of Jonah and poured money into the people from the Saint's treasury, which he had plundered. The government found out about this and, having imprisoned this insidious Monk in prison, exacted 1,000 rubles of a fine from him. Excited by ambition and anger, Pimen slandered the chosen Vladyka Theophilus, Metropolitan Philip; wanted the annexation of the Novgorod Diocese to Lithuania and, caressing himself with the thought of receiving the rank of Archbishop from Gregory of Kiev, Isidorov's disciple, he helped Martha with advice, intrigues, and money.

Seeing that the Embassy of Boyar Nikita made the people an impression contrary to her intention, and disposed many citizens to a friendly rapprochement with the Sovereign of Moscow, Martha began to act decisively. Her sons, caressing people, like-minded people, surrounded by a large host of people who had been bribed, appeared at the Veche and solemnly said that the time had come to deal with John; that he is not the Sovereign, but their villain; that Veliky Novgorod is its own ruler: that its inhabitants are free people and not fatherland Princes of Moscow; that they only need a patron; that this patron will be Kazimir, and that not the Metropolitan of Moscow, but the Metropolitan of Kiev should give the Archbishop of St. Sophia. Loud exclamation: “We do not want John! long live Casimir! " - served as the conclusion of their speech. The people hesitated. Many took the side of the Boretskys and shouted: "May Moscow disappear!" The most prudent dignitaries, the old Posadniki, Thousand, Living people wanted to reason with their frivolous fellow citizens and said: “Brothers! what are you up to? to change Russia and Orthodoxy? to surrender to a foreign King and demand a saint from a Latin heretic? Remember that our ancestors, the Slavs, voluntarily summoned Rurik from the Varangian land; that for more than six hundred years his descendants legally reigned on the throne of Novgorod; that we owe our true Faith to Saint Vladimir, from whom the Grand Duke John originated, and that Latinism until now has been hateful to us. " Marfina's associates would not let them speak; and her servants and mercenaries threw stones at them, rang the Veche bells, ran through the streets and shouted: "We want the King!" Others: "We want Orthodox Moscow, Grand Duke John and his father, Metropolitan Philip!" For several days the city presented a picture of terrible commotion. The named Vladyka Theophilus jealously opposed the efforts of Martha's friends and told them: "Either do not betray Orthodoxy, or I will never be a Shepherd of apostates: I am going back to my humble cell, from where you brought me out to the shame of rebellion." But the Boretskys prevailed, seized the government and destroyed the fatherland, as a victim of their personal passions. It was accomplished what the conquerors of Lithuania had long desired and what Novgorod sometimes frightened the Sovereigns of Moscow with: he succumbed to Casimir, voluntarily and solemnly. The action is lawless: although this region had special regulations and liberties, given to it, as you know, by Yaroslav the Great; however, it was always a part of Russia and could not pass to foreigners without treason or without violating the fundamental state laws based on Natural Law. A large Embassy went to Lithuania with rich gifts and with a proposal that Casimir should be the Head of the Novgorod State on the basis of the ancient statutes of its civil freedom. He accepted all the conditions, and wrote the letter of the following content:

« Fair The King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania concluded a friendly alliance with the designated Vladyka Theophilus, with the Posadniki, the Thousand Novgorodskys, with the Boyars, Zhizn people, merchants and with the whole Great Novymgorod; and for the contract were in Lithuania Posadnik Afanasy Evstafievich, Posadnik Dimitri Isakovich (Boretsky) ... from the Zhityh people Panfil Selifontovich, Kirill Ivanovich ... Know to you, honest King, Veliky Novgorod according to this letter of the cross and keep your Viceroy of the Greek Faith on the Settlement, together with the Butler and Tiun, with whom to carry no more than fifty people. The governor shall judge with the Posadnik in the Archbishop's courtyard both the Boyar, the living people, the younger citizens, and the villagers, in accordance with the truth, and not demand anything other than the court's legal duty; but he will not intervene in the court of Tysyatsky, Vladyka and monasteries. For the butler to live on the Settlement in the palace and collect your income together with the Posadnik; and Tiunu to do business with our bailiffs. If the Sovereign of Moscow go to war to Veliky Novgorod, then you, sir, the honest King, or in your absence to the Rada of Lithuania, give us an ambulance. - Rzhev, Velikiye Luki and Kholmovsky pogost remain Novgorod lands; but they pay tribute to you, an honest King. - A Novgorodian is judged in Lithuania by yours, Litvin in Novgorod by our laws without any oppression ... In Ruse you will have ten salt brews; and for the trial you get there and in other places, which has been established since ancient times. You, an honest King, do not take people away from us, do not buy villages or slaves and do not accept them as a gift, neither to the Queen, nor to the Panamas of Lithuania; and we do not conceal legal duties. Ambassadors, governors and your people do not take carts in the land of Novgorod, and its volosts can only be controlled by our own officials. - In Luki will be your and our Tiun: Toropetsky will not be judged in the Novgorod possessions. Have Tiun in Torzhok and Voloka; on our side the Posadnik will be there. - Lithuanian merchants trade with the Germans only through the Novgorodskys. The German court is not subject to you: you cannot shut it up. - You, an honest King, should not touch our Orthodox Faith: wherever we want, we will consecrate our Vladyka there (in Moscow or Kiev); and Roman churches are not to be erected anywhere in the land of Novgorod. - If you reconcile us with the Grand Duke of Moscow, then out of gratitude we will give you all the national tribute collected annually in the Novgorod regions; but in other years do not demand it. - In approval of the treaty, kiss the cross to Veliky Novgorod for all your Principality and for the entire Rada of Lithuania really, no answer while our ambassadors kissed the cross Novgorod soul to the honest King for Veliky Novgorod ”.

And so this frivolous people still wished for peace with Moscow, thinking that John would be intimidated by Lithuania, would not want bloodshed and faint-heartedly retreat from the most ancient Principality of Russia. Although the Viceroys of Moscow, having witnessed the triumph of Martha's supporters, no longer had any part in the government there, they lived peacefully on the settlement, notifying the Grand Duke of all the incidents. Despite their apparent retreat from Russia, the Novgorodians wanted to appear moderate and fair; they insisted that it was up to John to remain a friend of Saint Sophia; expressed his courtesy to the Boyars, but they sent the Prince of Suzdal, Vasily Shuisky-Grebenka, to command the Dvina land, fearing that the army of Moscow would not take possession of this important country for them.

Still wanting to use the last peaceful means, the Grand Duke sent a prudent official, Ivan Fedorovich Tovarkov, to Novgorod with the following admonition: “People of Novgorod! Rurik, St. Vladimir and the great Vsevolod Yuryevich, my ancestors, ruled over you; I inherited this right: I favor you, I keep you, but I can also execute you for impudent disobedience. When were you citizens of Lithuania? Now you are servile to the Gentiles, breaking sacred vows. I did not burden you in any way and demanded the only ancient legal tribute. You cheated on me: God's execution over you! But I still hesitate, not liking bloodshed, and I am ready to have mercy if you return with repentance to the shadow of the fatherland. " At the same time, Metropolitan Philip wrote to them: “I hear about your rebellion and schism. It is disastrous for a single person to deviate from the path of the right: it is even more terrible for a whole people. Tremble, so that the terrible sickle of God, seen by the prophet Zechariah, will not descend on the head of the disobedient sons. Remember what Scripture says: flee sin like a warrior; run from the charm, as from the face of the serpent... This charm there is Latin: it catches you. Has not the example of Constantinople proved its disastrous action? The Greeks reigned, the Greeks were famous for piety: they united with Rome and now serve the Turks. Until now, you were safe under the strong hand of John: do not shy away from Saint of great antiquity and do not forget the words of the apostle: Fear God, and honor the Prince... - Humble yourself, and the God of peace be with you! " - These admonitions remained useless: Martha and her friends did what she wanted in Novgorod. Frightened by their insolence, prudent people grieved in their homes and remained silent at the Veche, where the Boretskys' slaves or mercenaries yelled: "Novgorod is our sovereign, and the King is our patron!" In a word, the Chroniclers compare the then state of this people's state with ancient Jerusalem, when God is preparing to deliver it into the hands of Titus. Passion dominated the mind, and the Council of Rulers seemed like a host of conspirators.

The ambassador of Moscow returned to the Tsar with the assurance that not words and not letters, but one sword could humble the Novgorodians. The Grand Duke expressed grief: he was still thinking, consulted with his mother, with the Metropolitan, and called the brothers, all the Bishops, Princes, Boyars and Voevods to the capital. On the appointed day and hour, they gathered in the palace. John came out to them with a sad face: he opened the State Duma and offered her a betrayal of Novgorodians for trial. Not only the Boyars and Voevods, but also the saints answered unanimously: “Sovereign! take up arms! " Then John uttered a decisive word: "Let there be war!" - and also wanted to hear the opinion of the Council about the most favorable time for its beginning, saying: “Spring has already come: Novgorod is surrounded by water, rivers, lakes and impassable swamps. Great Kyazia, my ancestors, were afraid to go there with an army in the summer, and when they went, they lost a lot of people. " On the other hand, haste promised benefits: Novgorodians were not prepared for war, and Casimir could not quickly give them help. They decided not to hesitate, in the hope of the mercy of God, of the happiness and wisdom of John. Already this Tsar used a general power of attorney: the Muscovites were proud of him, praised his justice, firmness, perspicacity; called the favorite of Heaven, the Lord Chosen by God; and a new sense of state grandeur instilled in their souls.

John sent folding letter to the Novgorodians, declaring war on them with the calculation of all their insolence, and in a few days he set up a militia: he persuaded Mikhail Tverskoy to act with him and ordered the Pskovites to go to Novgorod with the Moscow Voevoda, Prince Feodor Yuryevich Shuisky; The Ustyuzhans and Vyatchans in the Dvina land under the command of two Voevods, Vasily Fedorovich Obrazts and Boris Slepogo-Tyutchev; Prince Daniil Kholmsky with the Boyarsky children from Moscow to Ruse, and Prince Vasilyo Ivanovich Obolensky-Striga with the Tatar cavalry to the banks of the Msta.

These units were only forward. John, following his custom, distributed alms and prayed over the tombs of the Holy Pleasure and his ancestors; finally, having received the blessing from the Metropolitan and the Bishops, he mounted a horse and led the main army from the capital. With him were all the Princes, Boyars, noblemen of Moscow and the Tatar Tsarevich Daniyar, the son of the Kasims. The son and brother of the Grand Duke, Andrei the Lesser, remained in Moscow: the other brothers, Princes Yuri, Andrei, Boris Vasilievich and Mikhail Vereisky, leading their squads, followed different paths to the Novgorod borders; and the Governors of Tver, Prince Yuri Andreevich Dorogobuzhsky and Ivan Zhito, united with John in Torzhok. A terrible devastation began. On the one hand, Voivode Kholmsky and the army of the Grand Duke, on the other, the Pskovites, entering the land of Novgorod, exterminated everything with fire and sword. Smoke, flames, bloody rivers, groans and wails from the east and west rushed to the banks of Ilmen. The Muscovites expressed an undescribed frenzy: the traitors from Novgorod seemed to them worse than the Tatars. There was no mercy for either the poor farmers or the women. The chroniclers note that Heaven, favoring John, dried up all the swamps then; that from May to September not a single drop of rain fell on the ground: the swells hardened; the army with carts everywhere had a free path and drove cattle through the forests, hitherto impassable.

The Pskovites took Vyshegorod. Kholmsky turned Rusu to ashes. Not expecting a war in the summer and an attack so friendly, strong, Novgorodians sent to tell the Grand Duke that they wanted to enter into negotiations with him and demand from him dangerous letter for their officials who are ready to go to his camp. But at the same time Martha and her associates tried to assure their fellow citizens that one happy battle could save their freedom. They hastened to arm all people, willingly and unwillingly; artisans, potters, carpenters were dressed in armor and put on horses: others on ships. The infantry was ordered to sail along Lake Ilmen to Ruse, and the cavalry, much more numerous, to go there along the shore. Kholmsky stood between Ilmen and Rus, on Korostyn: the infantry of Novogorodskaya secretly approached his camp, got out of the ships and, without waiting for the cavalry army, swiftly struck at the opolosh Moskvitians. But Kholmsky and his comrade, Boyarin Feodor Davidovich, made up for their negligence with courage: they put 500 enemies in place, scattered the rest and, with the cruelty characteristic of that century, ordered to cut off the captives' noses and lips, sent them distorted to Novgorod. The Muscovites threw into the water all the armor, helmets, and shields of the enemy, which they had taken as prey, saying that the army of the Grand Duke was rich in its own armor and had no need for treacherous ones.

Novgorodians attributed this misfortune to the fact that their cavalry army did not join the infantry and that special Archbishop regiment renounced the battle, saying: "Vladyka Theophilus forbade us to raise our hand against the Grand Duke, but ordered us to fight only with the infidel Pskovites." Wanting to deceive John, the Novgorod officials sent a second Ambassador to him, with the assurance that they were ready for peace and that their army had not yet acted against the Moscow one. But the Grand Duke already had the news of the victory of Kholmsky and, standing on the shore of Lake Kolomna, ordered this Voevoda to go beyond Shelon towards the Pskovites and together with them to Novgorod: Mikhail Vereisky to besiege the town of Demon. At the very time when Kholmsky was thinking of crossing to the other side of the river, he saw an enemy so numerous that the Muscovites were amazed. There were 5,000 of them, and Novogorodtsev from 30,000 to 40,000: for the friends of the Boretskys still managed to recruit and send several regiments to strengthen their equestrian army. But the Voevoda Ioannovs, saying to the squad: “The time has come to serve the Emperor; we will not be afraid, not even three hundred thousand rebels; for us righteousness and the Lord Almighty ”, rushed on horseback to Shelon, from a steep bank and in a deep place; however, none of the Muscovites doubted to follow their example; no one drowned; and all, having safely moved to the other side, rushed into battle with the exclamation: Moscow! The Novgorod Chronicler says that his compatriots fought bravely and forced the Muscovites to retreat, but that the Tatarskaya cavalry, being in an ambush, by an accidental attack upset the first and decided the matter. But according to other reports, the Novgorodians did not stand for an hour: their horses, stung by arrows, began to knock off their riders; terror seized the voivode of the faint-hearted and the inexperienced army; turned the rear; galloped without memory and trampled each other, persecuted, exterminated by the victor; tired of the horses, they rushed into the water, into the swamp mud; they did not find their way in their forests, they drowned or died of wounds; others galloped past Novgorod, thinking that he had already been taken by John. In the madness of fear, they everywhere seemed to be the enemy, everywhere they heard the cry: Moscow! Moscow! In a space of twelve miles, the regiments of the Grand Duke drove them, killed 12,000 people, took 1,700 prisoners, including two noble Posadniks, Vasily-Kazimir with Dimitri Isakov Boretsky; finally, exhausted, they returned to the scene of the battle. Kholmsky and Boyarin Feodor Davidovich, announcing victory with a trumpet sound, dismounted, venerated the images under the banners and glorified the mercy of Heaven. The boyar's son, Ivan Zamyatnya, was in a hurry to inform the Tsar, who was then in Yazhelbitsy, that one vanguard of his army had decided the fate of Novgorod; that the enemy has been exterminated, and the army of Moscow is intact. This messenger handed to John the contractual letter of Novogorodtsev and Kazimir, found in their wagon train between other papers, and even introduced him to the person who wrote it. With what joy the Grand Duke listened to the news of the victory, with such indignation he read this criminal charter, the monument to the Novgorod treason.

Kholmsky had never seen an enemy army anywhere and could freely devastate villages up to the Narova or German borders. The Demon town surrendered to Mikhail Vereisky. Then the Grand Duke sent dangerous letter to Novgorodians with their Boyar, Luka, agreeing to enter into agreements with them; arrived in Rusu and showed an example of severity: he ordered to cut off the heads of the noblest captives, Boyars Dmitry Isakov, Marfin's son, Vasily Selezenev-Guba, Kipriyan Arbuzeev and Jeremiah Sukhoshok, Archbishop Chashnik, zealous supporters of Lithuania; Vasily-Kazimier, Matvey Selezenev and others sent to Kolomna, bound in chains; some in the dungeons of Moscow; and he released the others to Novgorod without any punishment, combining mercy with the threat of revenge, distinguishing the main active enemies of Moscow from the weak people who served them only as an instrument. Having thus decided the fate of the captives, he camped at the mouth of the Sheloni.

On this very day, a new victory crowned the arms of the Grand Duke in the distant reaches of Zavolochye. The Moscow governors, Obrazets and Boris the Blind, leading the Ustyuzhans and Vyatchans, fought on the banks of the Dvina with Prince Vasily Shuisky, a loyal servant of Novgorod freedom. His army consisted of twelve thousand Dvinsky and Pechersky residents: Ioannova only out of four. The battle went on all day with great fury. After killing three Dvina standard-bearers, the Muscovites took the Novgorodskaya banner and by the evening overcame the enemy. The wounded Prince Shuisky could barely escape in a boat, fled to Kolmogory, from there to Novgorod; and the Voevoda Ioannovs, having seized all the Dvina land, brought the inhabitants into the citizenship of Moscow.

Passed about two weeks after the Shelon battle, which produced an indescribable horror in Novgorod. They relied on Casimir and looked forward to hearing from their Ambassador, sent to him through Livonia, with an intense demand that the King hasten to protect them; but this Ambassador returned and announced with sorrow that the Master of the Order would not let him into Lithuania. There was no longer time to have help, nor strength to resist John. Another inner betrayal was revealed. Someone named Upadysh, secretly volunteering to the Grand Duke, with his like-minded people in one night hammered 55 cannons with iron in Novgorod: the rulers executed this man; despite all the misfortunes, they wanted to defend themselves: they burned out the villages, sparing neither churches nor monasteries; established a permanent guard: day and night, armed people walked around the city to bridle the people; others stood on the walls and towers, ready to fight the Muscovites. However, the peace-loving ones began to show more courage, proving that persistence is useless; they clearly accused Martha's friends of adherence to Lithuania and said: “John is before us; where is your Casimir? " The city, constrained by the Grand Duke's troops and filled with many newcomers who sought refuge there from the Muscovites, suffered a shortage of food supplies: the high cost was increasing; there was no rye in the market at all: the rich ate wheat; and the poor cried out that their rulers had madly irritated John and started a war without thinking about the consequences. The news of the execution of Dimitri Boretsky and his comrades made a deep impression both among the people and among the officials: until now, none of the Grand Dukes dared to solemnly execute the prideful Boyars of Novgorodsky. The people reasoned that times had changed; that Heaven protects John and gives him courage along with happiness: that this Sovereign is just: punishes and has mercy; that it is better to be saved by humility than to perish from stubbornness. Noble dignitaries saw a sword over their heads: in this case, rare sacrifice personal safety to a rule or way of thinking. The most zealous of the Martins' friends, those who hated Moscow because of their zealous love for the freedom of their fatherland, by silence or the language of moderation, wanted to earn Ioannov's forgiveness. Martha also tried to act on the minds and hearts, inciting them against the Grand Duke: the people saw in her the main culprit of this disastrous war; he demanded bread and peace.

Kholmsky, the Pskovites and John himself were preparing to encircle Novgorod from different sides in order to make the final blow: there was not much time left for reflection. Dignitaries, citizens unanimously proposed the named Archbishop Theophilos to be an intercessor for peace. This sensible Monk with many Posadniki, Thousand and Living people of all five Ends set off on ships by Lake Ilmen to the mouth of Sheloni, to the Moscow camp. Not daring to suddenly appear to the Emperor, they went to his Nobles and asked for their intercession: the Nobles asked for the John brothers, and the brothers for John himself. After a few days, he allowed the Ambassadors to stand before his face. Theophilus, along with many clergy and noble officials of Novgorod, entered the Grand Ducal tent, fell down, remained silent, shed tears. John, surrounded by the host of Boyars, looked formidable and stern. “Lord, Great Prince! - said Theophilus: - quench your anger, calm your anger; spare us, criminals, not for our prayer, but for your mercy! Put out the fire that scorches the country of Novgorod; hold back the sword that sheds the blood of its inhabitants! " John took with him from Moscow one scientist in the chronicles of the Clerk, named Stephen the Bearded, who was supposed to count all their ancient betrayals before the Ambassadors of Novgorod; but the Ambassadors did not want to justify themselves and demanded only mercy. Here the brothers and Voevoda John struck with their foreheads for the guilty people; they prayed for a long time, relentlessly. Finally, the Emperor uttered a word of magnanimous forgiveness, following, as the Chroniclers assure, the suggestions of Christian philanthropy and the advice of Metropolitan Philip to have mercy on Novgorodians if they repent; but we see here an action of a personal nature, a careful policy, the moderation of this Ruler, whose rule was: don't reject good for better, not entirely correct.

For their guilt, the residents of Novgorod promised to contribute 15,500 rubles or about eighty poods of silver to the Grand Duke's treasury, at different times, from September 8 to Easter: they returned to John the lands adjacent to Vologda, the banks of Pinega, Mezen, Nemyuga, Vyya, Pogany Sura, Pilya mountains, places , ceded to Vasily the Dark, but later taken away by them; pledged at the appointed times to pay the Tsars of Moscow black, or folk, tribute, and also to the Metropolitan a court dues; vowed to appoint their Archbishops only in Moscow, at the tomb of St. Peter the Wonderworker, in the House of Our Lady; have no relationship with the King of Poland, nor with Lithuania; not to accept the princes and enemies of John there; Prince Mozhaisky, sons of Shemyaka and Vasily Yaroslavpch Borovsky; abolished the so-called Veche letters; recognized the supreme judicial power of the Sovereign of Moscow, in case of disagreement between his Governors and the Novgorod dignitaries; promised not to publish any further letters of judgment without the approval and seal of the Grand Duke, and so on. Returning Torzhok to them and his new conquests in the Dvina land, John, as usual, kissed the cross, in the assurance that he would rule Novymgorod in accordance with its ancient statutes, without any violence. These mutual conditions or obligations are depicted in the six letters then written, dated August 9 and 11, in which the young son of John is also called, like his father, the Grand Duke of all Russia. Having reconciled Novgorod with the Pskovites, John informed his Generals that the war had ended; tenderly treated Theophilus and all the Ambassadors; let them go with mercy and after them ordered Boyar Feodor Davidovich to go, to take the oath from Novogorodtsev at Veche. Having given his word to forget the past, the Grand Duke left alone Martha Boretskaya herself and did not want to mention her in the agreement, as if out of contempt for a weak wife. Having fulfilled his intention, punishing the rebels, overthrowing Kazimirova's shadow from the ancient throne of Rurikov, he returned to Moscow with honor, glory and rich booty. Son, brother, nobles, soldiers and merchants met him 20 miles from the capital, people seven, the Metropolitan with the clergy in front of the Kremlin on the square. Everyone greeted the Emperor as a winner, expressing joy.

Novgorod also remained a power of the people; but his freedom was already the only grace of John and had to disappear at the behest of the autocrat. There is no freedom when there is no power to protect it.

SECOND HIKE TO NOVGOROD

Thus, up to the Tiber, the Adriatic Sea, the Black Sea and the borders of India, embracing the state system of Powers with his mind, this Monarch prepared the celebrity of his foreign Policy by approving the internal composition of Russia. - Has struck the last hour of Novgorod liberty! This important incident in our History is worthy of a detailed description. There is no doubt that John sat on the throne with the idea of ​​justifying the title of Grand Dukes, who since the time of Simeon the Proud were called Sovereigns of all Russia, wanted to introduce perfect autocracy, to destroy the Lot, to take away from the Princes and citizens the rights that disagree with it, but only at a convenient time, in a decent way, without an obvious violation of solemn conditions, without daring and dangerous violence, true and firm: in a word, with observation all his usual caution. Novgorod betrayed Russia, a bailiff to Lithuania; his army was scattered, citizenship was terrified: the Grand Duke could then have conquered this region; but he thought that the people, accustomed for centuries to the benefits of freedom, would not suddenly abandon its charming dreams; that internal riots and mutinies would amuse the forces of the State of Moscow needed for external security; that old habits should be weakened by new ones and constrained by liberty before the destruction thereof, so that citizens, yielding right for right, become familiar with the feeling of their powerlessness, pay too dearly for the remnants of freedom, and finally, tired of fear of future oppression, tend to prefer the peaceful tranquility of unlimited Sovereign power to it. John forgave Novogorodtsev, enriching his treasury with silver, confirming the sovereign power of the Prince in matters of judgment and in Politics; but, so to speak, he did not take his eyes off this people's State, tried to increase the number of people loyal to him in it, harbored disagreement between the Boyars and the people, was the defender of innocence in justice, did a lot of good and promised more. If the Viceroys did not satisfy all the just complaints of the plaintiffs, then he blamed the lack of the ancient laws of Novgorodskie, he wanted to be there himself, to investigate on the spot the cause of the main displeasure of the people, to curb the oppressors, and (in 1475) really, called by younger citizens, went to the banks of the Volkhov , entrusting Moscow to his son.

This journey of Ioannovo - without an army, with one chosen, noble retinue - had the appearance of peaceful, but solemn greatness: the Emperor announced that he was going to establish the tranquility of Novgorod, which the most noble dignitaries and citizens traveled to him every day, from the Tsna River to Ilmen, to meet with greetings and with gifts, with complaints and with justification: the old Posadniki, the Thousand, the Zhizi people, the Viceroy and the Butler of the Grand Duchy, Abbots, and Archbishop officials. For 90 versts from the city, Vladyka Theophilus, Prince Vasily Vasilyevich Shuisky-Grebenka, Posadnik and Tysyachsky, Steppe, Archimandrite of the Yuriev Monastery and other paramount people, whose gifts consisted in barrels of wine, white and red, were waiting for John. They had the honor to dine with the Emperor. They were followed by the elders of Novogorodsky streets; after Boyars and all the inhabitants of the Gorodishche, with wine, apples, wine berries. Countless crowds of people met John in front of the Settlement, where he listened to the Liturgy and spent the night; and the next day he treated Vladyka, Prince Shuisky, Posadnikov, Boyar to dinner, and on November 23, 1475, he entered Novgorod. There, at the gates of Moscow, Archbishop Theophilos, fulfilling the Tsar's command, with all the Kliros, with icons, crosses and in rich Holy vestments, received him, blessed and led him into the temple of Sophia, in which John bowed to the tombs of the ancient Princes: Vladimir Yaroslavich, Mstislav the Brave and welcomed by all the people, expressed his gratitude to him for his love; I dined with Theophilus, had fun, spoke only merciful words, and taking from the owner as a gift 3 sets of Ypres cloths, a hundred shipbuilders (Nobiles, or double ducats), a fish tooth and two barrels of wine, returned to his palace on the Settlement.

The day of the banquet was followed by the days of judgment. From morning to evening, the Grand Ducal Palace was not closed for the people. Some wanted only to see the face of this Monarch and, as a sign of zeal, to offer him gifts; others sought justice. The fall of the People's Powers is usually foreshadowed by impudent abuses of force, non-observance of laws: so it was in Novgorod. The rulers had neither love nor the trust of citizens; worried only about their own benefits; traded power, pressed personal enemies, gulped relatives and friends; surrounded themselves with crowds of servants, in order to drown out the complaints of the oppressed with their cry at the veche. Whole streets, through their attorneys, demanded the Tsar's protection, accusing the first dignitaries. “They are not judges, but predators,” the petitioners said and reported that Steppenny Posadnik, Vasily Ananyin, with his comrades came robbery to Slavkova and Nikitina streets, robbed the residents of a thousand rubles worth of goods, killed many to death. Others complained about the robbery of the elders. John, still following the ancient custom of Novogorodsky, informed Vech to put a guard on the accused; ordered them to appear in court and, having heard their excuses himself, decided - in the presence of the Archbishop, the most distinguished officials, Boyar - that the complaints were fair; that the guilt is proven; that criminals are deprived of their liberty; that severe execution will be their retribution, and an example for others. At the same moment, turning his eyes to the two Boyars of Novogorodsky, Ivan Afanasyev and his son, Eleutherius, he said angrily: “Go away! you wanted to betray your fatherland to Lithuania. " Ioannov's soldiers bound them with chains, as well as Posadnik Ananyin and Boyar, Fedor Isakov (Marfin's son), Ivan Loshinsky and Bogdan. This action of autocracy struck Novgorodians; but all, looking down, were silent.

The next day, Vladyka Theophilus and many of the Posadniki appeared at the Grand Ducal Palace, with an air of deep sorrow, praying to John that he would order the prisoners of Boyars to be bailed out, restoring their freedom. "No," replied Sovereign Theophilus: "you, our pilgrim, and all of Novgorod know that these people have done a lot of harm to the fatherland and are now worrying him with their intrigues." He sent the main criminals chained to Moscow; but, out of respect for the intercession of the Archbishop and Vech, he released some of the less guilty, ordering them to recover a monetary penalty: this was the conclusion of the formidable court of the Grand Duke. The feasts for the Tsar began again and lasted about six weeks. All the noble people treated him to sumptuous dinners: the Archbishop three times; others once, and gave them money, precious vessels, silk fabrics, cloth, birds of prey, barrels of wine, fish teeth, and so on. For example, Prince Vasily Shuisky presented three halves of cloth, three kamki, thirty shipwrights, two gyrfalcones and a falcon; Vladyka - two hundred shipbuilders, five sets of cloth, a stallion, and a barrel of wine and two honey for the farewell; another time, three hundred shipwrights, a golden ladle with pearls (weighing a pound), two horns bound in silver, a silver misu (weighing six pounds), five forty sables and ten sets of cloth; Vasily Kazimer - a golden ladle (weighing a pound), one hundred shipbuilders and two gyrfalcons; Yakov Korob - two hundred shipbuilders, two gyrfalcones, a fish tooth and a set ore yellow cloth; a noble widow, Nastasya Ivanova, 30 shipbuilders, ten sets of cloth, two forty sables and two teeth. In addition, the Degree Posadnik, Thomas, elected to replace the deposed Vasily Ananyin, and the Thousand Esipov presented the Grand Duke a thousand rubles on behalf of the entire Novgorod. On Christmas Day, John gave dinner to the Archbishop and the first officials, who feasted in the palace until late at night. Many more noble officials were preparing feasts; but the Grand Duke announced that it was time for him to go to Moscow, and only accepted from them the gifts assigned to him. The chronicler says that there was not a single prosperous person left in the city who did not offer anything to John and himself was not graciously gifted, either with precious clothes, or kamka, or a silver goblet, sables, a horse, and so on. - Never did the Novgorodians show such zeal for the Grand Dukes, although it did not come from love, but from fear: John caressed them, as the Sovereign can caress his subjects, with an air of mercy and friendly indulgence.

The Grand Duke, while feasting, was also engaged in state affairs. The ruler of Sweden, Sten Stur, sent his nephew, Orban, to him with a proposal to restore the peace, disturbed by the flow of the Russians into Finland. John treated Orban, accepted from him a stately stallion as a gift and ordered the Archbishop in the name of Novgorod to approve a truce with Sweden for several years according to the ancient custom. - The Pskov ambassadors, having presented gifts to John, prayed him not to make any changes in the ancient statutes of their fatherland; and Prince Yaroslav, the governor there, arrived in Novgorod himself and complained that the Posadniki and citizens did not give him all the legal income. The Grand Duke sent Boyar, Basil of China and Morozov there to tell the Pskovites that they would satisfy the Viceroy's demands in five days, or they would have to deal with the irritated Emperor. Yaroslav got everything he wanted. - After being in Novgorod for nine weeks, John left there with a lot of silver and gold, as the chronicle says. His military squad stood in the monasteries around the city and swam in abundance; she took what she wanted: no one dared to complain. Archbishop Theophilus and the most distinguished officials escorted the sovereign to the first camp, where he dined with them, seemed cheerful, pleased. But the fate of this People's Power was already decided in his mind.

The imprisonment of six Boyars of the Novgorodskys, exiled to Murom and Kolomna, left a woeful impression on their many friends: they complained about the autocracy of the Grand Duke, contrary to the ancient charter, according to which a Novgorodian could be punished only in his own country. The people were silent, showing indifference; but the most noble citizens took their side and dressed up the Embassy to the Grand Duke: the Archbishop himself, three Posadniks and several Zhiznen people came to Moscow to beat their foreheads for their unfortunate Boyars. Vladyka Theophilus dined twice in the palace, but he could not beg John and left with grief on Holy Week, not wanting to celebrate Easter with the sovereign and with the Metropolitan.

1477 In the meantime, many Novgorodians fell in love with the decisive court of the Grand Duke so that in the following year some of them went to Moscow with complaints; after them and the defendants, noble and ordinary citizens, from the Posadniki to the farmers: widows, orphans, Nuns. Others were called by the Emperor himself: no one dared to disobey. "From the time of Rurik (the Chroniclers say) there has never been such a case: Novgorodians did not go to Kiev or Vladimir to sue: John knew how to bring them to this humiliation." He hasn't done everything yet: it's time to finish what he started.

John's clever justice captivated the hearts of those who were looking for the truth and loved it: oppressed weakness, slandered innocence found in him a defender, a savior, that is, a true Monarch, or a judge who did not participate in the low motives of the individual: they wanted to see the power of judgment in one of his hands. Others, either envious of the strength of their primary fellow citizens, or fondled by John, internally favored the autocracy. These many friends of the Grand Duke, perhaps by themselves, and perhaps, in agreement with him, they conceived the following trick. Two of them, the official Nazarius and Clerk Vecha, Zechariah, in the form of Ambassadors from the Archbishop and all compatriots, appeared before John (in 1477) and solemnly named him Sovereign Novgorod, instead of Lord, as the Grand Dukes were previously called in relation to this people's state. As a result, John sent the Boyar, Theodore Davidovich, to the Novgorodians, to ask what they mean by the name Sovereign? do they want to swear allegiance to him as to the complete Sovereign, the only legislator and judge? do they agree not to have Tiuns, except for the Princely ones, and give him the Yaroslav Court, ancient place Evening? The astonished citizens replied: “We did not send with that to the Grand Duke; it's a lie". There was general excitement. They endured John's autocracy in matters of judgment as extreme, but the thought that this extraordinary will be by law what an ancient proverb: Novgorod is suing its own court, will lose its meaning forever and that Moscow Tiunas will decide their fate. The ancient Veche could no longer put itself above the Prince, but at least it existed in name and appearance: the Yaroslav Court was a sanctuary of people's rights: to give it to John meant solemnly and forever rejecting them. These thoughts angered even the most peaceful citizens, who were disposed to obey the Grand Duke, but to please their own inner sense of well-being, not blindly, not under the edge of a sword, ready to execute everyone at the behest of the autocrat. Forgotten like-minded people Marfins rose from a deep sleep, as it were, and told the people that they foresaw the future better than him; that the friends or servants of the Moscow Prince are traitors, whose triumph is the coffin of the fatherland. The people became furious, looked for traitors, demanded revenge. They seized one famous husband, Vasily Nikiforov, and brought him to the veche, accusing him of being with the Grand Duke and vowing to serve him against the fatherland. “No,” replied Vasily: “I swore to John only in loyalty, in goodwill, but without treason to my true Emperor, Veliky Novgorod; without treason to you, my masters and brothers. " This unfortunate man was hacked to pieces with axes; they also killed the Posadnik, Zakharia Ovin, who went to litigate in Moscow and himself reported to the citizens about Vasily Nikiforov; his brother, Kozma, was also executed in the Archbishop's courtyard; many others were robbed, put in prison, calling them the counselors of John: others fled. Meanwhile, the people did not do the slightest harm to the Ambassador of Moscow and his numerous retinue: the dignitaries honored them, held them for about six weeks and finally released them in the name of Vecha with such a gratitude to John: “We bow to you, To our lord, To the Grand Duke; a Sovereign we do not call. Your Stewards will be judged on the Ancient Settlement; but we will not have your judgment, nor your Tyuns. Yaroslavl courtyards do not give. We want to live according to the agreement that you and us swore by oath on Korostyn (in 1471). Who invited you to be Sovereign Novgorodsky, you yourself know those and executions for deception; here we are also executing these lying traitors. And we beat you, Lord, with your forehead, so that you keep us in the old days, by kissing the cross. " So they wrote and spoke even more strongly at the Veche, not hiding the thought of surrendering to Lithuania again, if the Grand Duke would not renounce his demands.

But John did not like to give in and undoubtedly foresaw the refusal of the Novgorodians, wanting only to have the appearance of justice in this discord. Having received their bold answer, he sadly announced to Metropolitan Gerontius, mother, Boyars, that Novgorod, arbitrarily giving him the name of the Tsar, locks himself in, makes him a liar before the eyes of the whole Russian land, executes people loyal to their legitimate Monarch as villains, and threatens to betray the holy oaths, Orthodoxy, and the fatherland for the second time. The Metropolitan, the Court and all of Moscow thought in agreement that these rebels should feel the full burden of the Tsar's wrath. A prayer service began in the churches; distributed alms to monasteries and almshouses; sent a messenger to Novgorod with foldable, or with a declaration of war, and the regiments gathered under the walls of Moscow. Slow in important plans, but quick in execution, John either did not act, or acted decisively, with all his might: not a single town remained that would not have sent warriors to the service of the Grand Duke. Among them were residents of the regions of Kashinskaya, Bezhetskaya, Novotorzhskaya: for John annexed part of these Tver and Novgorod lands to Moscow.

Having entrusted the capital to the young Grand Duke, his son, he himself set out with the army on October 9, despising the difficulties and inconveniences of an autumn campaign in swampy places. Although Novgorodians took some measures for defense, they knew their weakness and sent to demand dangerous letters from the Grand Duke for Archbishop Theophilos and the Posadnikov, who were to go to him for peace negotiations. John ordered to stop this messenger in Torzhok, as well as the other; dined in Voloka with his brother, Boris Vasilyevich, and was greeted by the eminent nobleman of Tver, Prince Mikulinsky, with a courteous invitation to stop by in Tver, to taste bread and salt from his sovereign, Mikhail. John demanded regiments instead of refreshments, and Michael did not dare to disobey, having prepared, in addition, all the necessary food supplies for the Moscow army. The Grand Duke himself walked with elite regiments between the Yazhelbitskaya road and Msta; Tsarevich Daniyar and Vasily the Sample after Zamst; Daniil Kholmsky in front of John with the Boyarsky Children, Vladimirtsy, Pereslavtsy and Kostromityans; behind him are two Boyars with Dmitrovites and Kashintsy; on the right side is Prince Simeon Ryapolovsky with Suzdal and Yuryevtsy: on the left - the Grand Duke's brother, Andrey the Lesser, and Vasily Saburov with Rostovites, Yaroslavlians, Uglichians and Bezhichans; with them also the Voivode of Ioannova's mother, Semyon Peshek, with her Court; between the roads of Yazhelbitskaya and Demonskaya - Princes Alexander Vasilyevich and Boris Mikhailovich Obolensky; the first with Koluzhany, Aleksinians, Serpukhovtsy, Khotunichy, Moskvitians, Radonezhtsy, Novotorzhtsy; the second with Mozhaitsy, Volochans, Zvenigorodtsy and Ruzhany; along the Yazhelbitskaya road - Boyarin Feodor Davidovich with the Boyarsky Children of the Grand Duke's Court and Kolomentians, also Prince Ivan Vasilyevich Obolensky with all his brothers and many Boyarsky Children. On November 4, the regiments of Tver, led by Prince Mikhail Feodorovich Mikulinsky, joined the army of Ioannov.

In Eglin, November 8, the Grand Duke demanded the detained Novgorodskys dangerous(that is, sent for dangerous letters): The headman of Danislavskaya street, Fyodor Kalitin, and the citizen of Zhity, Ivan Markov. They humbly hit him with the forehead, calling him Sovereign... John ordered them to give a pass for the Ambassadors of Novgorod. - Meanwhile, many noble Novgorodians arrived in the Moscow camp and entered the service of the Grand Duke, either foreseeing the inevitable death of their fatherland, or fleeing the malice of the local people, who were driving all Boyars suspected of secret ties with Moscow.

November 19, in Palin, John again arranged an army to begin hostile actions: he entrusted the advance detachment to his brother, Andrey the Lesser, and three brave Voevods: Kholmsky with the Kostromityans, Theodor Davidovich with Koloments, Prince Ivan Obolensky-Striga with Vladimir; in the right hand ordered his brother, Andrei Bolshoy, to be with the Tver Voevoda, Prince Mikulinsky, with Grigory Nikitich, with Ivan Zhit, with Dmitrov and Kashintsy; v left brother, Prince Boris Vasilyevich, with Prince Vasily Mikhailovich Vereisky and with his mother's Voevoda, Semyon Peshko: and in his own regiment of the Grand Duke - the most noble Boyar; Ivan Yuryevich Patrikeev, Vasily Obrazts with Borovichi, Simeon Ryapolovsky, Prince Alexander Vasilyevich. Boris Mikhailovich Obolensky and Saburov with their squads, as well as all Pereslavl and Murom residents. The forward detachment was to occupy Bronnitsy.

Still not satisfied with the large number of his army, the Emperor was waiting for the Pskovites. The local Prince Yaroslav, hated by the people, but long patronized by John, was even in an open war with the citizens who did not dare to expel him, and having had a drunken battle with them in the middle of the city, he finally left there by order of the Tsar. The Pskovites wanted Prince Vasily Vasilyevich Shuisky as Viceroys: John sent him to them from Torzhok and ordered them to immediately arm themselves against Novgorod. Their ordinary prudence did not change in this case either: The Pskovites suggested that the citizens of Novgorod be intercessors for them with the Grand Duke; but received in response: "Either make a special close alliance with us as free people, or we will do without your intercession." When the Pskovites, fulfilling John's order, declared war on them by a letter, the Novgorodians changed their minds and wanted them to send officials with them to the Grand Duke; but the Clerk of Moscow, Grigory Volnin, having arrived in Pskov from the Emperor, forced them to immediately mount their horses and set out in the field. Meanwhile, a fire broke out there: the citizens informed John of their misfortune in writing, they called him Tsar Russian and let him know that it was not the time to fight for people who shed tears on the ashes of their homes; in a word, they in every possible way avoided the campaign, foreseeing that in the fall of Novgorod, Pskov could not withstand. Excuses were in vain: John ordered, and Prince Shuisky, taking siege weapons - cannons, squeaks, crossbows - with seven Posadniki led the Pskov army, which was to stand on the banks of the Ilmen, at the mouth of the Shelon.

November 23 The Grand Duke was in Sytin when he was informed about the arrival of Archbishop Theophilus and the most noble dignitaries of Novgorod. They showed up. Theophilus said: “ Sovereign Prince Great! I, your pilgrim, Archimandrites, Abbots and Priests of all seven Councils beat your foreheads. You laid the anger to their homeland, to Veliky Novgorod; your fire and your sword walk on our land; Christian blood is pouring. Sovereign! have mercy: we pray you with tears: give us peace and free the Boyars of the Novgorodskys, imprisoned in Moscow! " And the Posadniki and Zhiznykh people said: “ Sovereign Prince Great! Degree Posadnik Foma Andreev and old Posadniki, Degree Tysyachsky Vasily Maksimov and old Tysyatskys, Boyars, Zhizhi, merchants, black people and the whole of Veliky Novgorod, your fatherland, free men, beat you with the forehead and pray for peace and freedom of our Boyars prisoners. " The patron Luka Fyodorov said: “Sovereign! petition of Veliky Novgorod before you: tell us to speak with your Boyars. " John did not answer a word, but invited them to dine at his table.

The next day, the Ambassadors of Novgorod were with gifts from brother Ioannov, Andrey the Lesser, demanding his intercession. John ordered to speak with them Boyarin, Prince Ivan Yuryevich. The posadnik Yakov Koroba said: "We wish the Tsar to accept Veliky Novgorod, free men, and put his sword to rest." - Theophylact Posadnik: "We wish the release of the Boyars of the Novogorodskys." - Luka Posadnik: “We wish the Tsar to travel to his fatherland, Veliky Novgorod, every four years, and take from us a thousand rubles each; that the Vicar should judge him with the Gardener in the city; and what they do not govern, the Grand Duke himself will decide, having come to us in the fourth year; but do not call those who are in litigation to Moscow! " - Yakov Fedorov: "May the Tsar not order his Viceroy to intervene in the special courts of the Archbishop and the Posadnik!" - Living people said that the subjects of the Grand Duke were calling them to be tried by the Governor and the Posadnik in Novgorod, and they themselves wanted to sue only at the Gorodishche; that this is unjust and that they are asking the Grand Duke to subordinate those and others to the court of Novgorod. - Posadnik Yakov Korob concluded with these words: "Our petty problem before the Emperor: let him do what God will put on his heart!"

On the same day, John ordered Kholmsky, Boyarin Theodor Davidovich, Prince Obolensky-Striga and other Voevods under the main command of his brother, Andrey the Lesser, to go from Bronnitsy to the Gorodishche and occupy monasteries so that the Novgorodians would not burn them out. The governors crossed Lake Ilmen on ice and in one night occupied all the outskirts of Novogorodskie.

On November 25, the Grand Duke Boyars, Ivan Yurievich, Vasily and Ivan Borisovich, gave an answer to the Ambassadors. The first one said: "The Great Prince John Vasilievich of All Russia to you, to his pilgrim, Vladyka, to the Posadniki and Living people, so responds to your petition." - Boyarin Vasily Borisovich continued: “You know for yourself that you offered us, me and my son, through the dignitary Nazariy and Dyak Vechevoy, Zakhariya, to be your Sovereigns; and we sent our Boyars to Novgorod to find out what is meant by this name? But you locked yourself in, reproaching us, the Great Dukes, with violence and lies; moreover, they caused us many other annoyances. We endured, waiting for your correction; but you cunning more and more, and we drew the sword, according to the word of the Lord: If your brother sins against you, convict him alone; If he does not listen, sing with us two or three witnesses: if he does not listen to them, lead the Church; Even if he starts neglecting the Church, you will be like a pagan and a tax collector. We sent to you and said: calm down and we will favor you... but you didn’t want to, and you became, as it were, alien to us. And so, putting our trust in God and in the prayer of our ancestors, the Great Russian Dukes, we go to punish the insolence. " - Boyarin Ivan Borisovich said further in the name of the Grand Duke: “You want freedom Your boyars, who have been condemned by me; but you know that all of Novgorod complained to me about their lawlessness, robbery, murder: you yourself, Luka Isakov, were among the plaintiffs; and you, Grigory Kiprianov, on behalf of Nikitina Street; and you, lord, and you, the Gardeners, were witnesses to their exposure. I thought of executing criminals, but I gave them life, for you prayed to me for that. Is it worthy for you to mention these people today? " - Prince Ivan Yuryevich concluded with these words the answer of the Emperor: "If Novgorod really wants our mercy, then he knows the conditions."

The Archbishop and the Posadniki went back with the Grand Duke's bailiff for their safety. - On November 27, John, approaching Novgorod with his brother Andrei the Lesser and with the young Prince of Vereia, Vasily Mikhailovich, settled at Trinity Paozerskaya on the bank of the Volkhov, three miles from the city, in the village of Loshinsky, where there was once the house of Yaroslav the Great, called Rakomlya; ordered his brother to become in the monastery of the Annunciation, to Prince Ivan Yuryevich in Yuryev, Kholmsky in Arkadievsky, Saburov at St. Panteleimon, Alexander Obolensky at Nikola at Mostischi, Boris Obolensky at Sokov at the Epiphany. Ryapolovsky on Pidba, Prince Vasily Vereisky on Fox Gorka, and Boyar Feodor Davidovich and Prince Ivan Striga on Gorodishche. On November 29, brother Ioannov, Prince Boris Vasilyevich, came with the regiment, and stood on the banks of the Volkhov in Krechnevo, the village of the Archbishop. - On November 30, the Sovereign ordered the Voivods to release half of the people to collect food supplies until December 10, and on the 11th, everyone should be present, everyone in his place; and on the same day he sent a messenger to tell the Governor of Pskov, Prince Vasily Shuisky, to hurry to Novgorod with a firearm.

The residents of Novgorod wanted to show fearlessness at first; allowed all foreign merchants to leave for Pskov with goods: fortified with a wooden wall on both sides of the Volkhov; barred this very river with ships; they elected Prince Vasily Shuisky-Grebenka as a military leader and, having no friends or allies, not expecting help from anywhere, pledged to be unanimous among themselves by an oath, showing that they hope in extreme despair and are ready to repel the attack, as their ancestors once repulsed a strong army of Andrey Bogolyubsky. But John did not want bloodshed, in the hope that they would submit, and took measures to provide all the necessary for his numerous host. Fulfilling his command, the rich Pskovites sent a wagon train with bread, wheat flour, rolls, fish, honey and various goods for free sale to him: they also sent bridge workers. The grand-ducal camp had the appearance of a noisy marketplace, abundance; and Novgorod, surrounded by the Moscow regiments, was deprived of any communication. The surroundings were also a miserable sight: the soldiers of John did not spare the poor inhabitants, who in 1471 safely hid from them in the forests and swamps, but at this time were dying there from frost and hunger.

On December 4, Archbishop Theophilus came to the Tsar for the second time with the same officials and prayed him only for peace, without mentioning anything else. The boyars of Moscow, Prince Ivan Yuryevich, Theodor Davidovich and Prince Ivan Striga let them go with the same answer that the people of Novgorod knew how to beat the Grand Duke with their foreheads. - On this day, Tsarevich Daniyar came to the city with the Voevoda, Vasily Obrazts, and the brother of the Grand Duke, Andrei the Elder, with the Tver Voevoda: they settled in the monasteries of Kirillov, Andreev, Kovalevsky, Bolotov, On Derevenitsa and St. Nicholas on Ostrovka.

Seeing the multiplication of forces and the inflexibility of the Grand Duke - having neither the courage to dare to a decisive battle, nor the reserves to withstand a long-term siege - threatened by sword and her right. December 5, Vladyka Theophilus with the Posadniki and with the Living people, striking the Grand Duke with his forehead in the presence of his three brothers, said in the name of Novgorod: “Sovereign! We, the guilty, await your grace: admit the truth of the Embassy of Nazariev and Dyak Zechariah; but what kind of power do you want to have over us? " John answered them through Boyar: “I am pleased that you acknowledge your guilt and testify to yourself. I want to rule in Novgorod as I rule in Moscow. " “The Archbishop and the Posadniki took time to think. He dismissed them with a command to give a decisive answer on the third day. - Meanwhile, the Pskov army came, and the Grand Duke, placing it in Biskupitsy, in the village of Fedotin, in the Trinity monastery on Varyazha, ordered his famous artist, Aristotle, to build a bridge under the Gorodishche, as if for an attack. This bridge, made with amazing speed on ships across the Volkhov River, with its firmness and beauty earned Ioannov's praise.

On December 7, Theophilus returned to the Great Prince's camp with the Posadniki and with the electives from the five Novgorodsky Ends. John sent Boyar to them. The Archbishop was silent: only the Posadniks spoke. Yakov Korob said: "We wish the Sovereign to order his Viceroy to judge together with our Degree Posadnik." - Theophylact: "We offer the Tsar an annual tribute from all Novogorsk volosts, with two hryvnia dry." - Luke: “Let the Tsar keep the Governors in our suburbs; but let the judgment be in the old days. " - Yakov Fyodorov beat his forehead so that the Grand Duke would not take people out of the Novgorodskie possessions, would not intervene in the Fatherland and Boyarskie lands, and would not invite anyone to court in Moscow. Finally, everyone asked that the Tsar not demand Novogorodtsev to his service and instructed them to solely protect the north-western borders of Russia. The boyars reported this to the Grand Duke and left him with the following answer: “You, our pilgrim, and all Novgorod have recognized me as Sovereign; and now you want to tell me how to rule you? " - Theophilus and the Posadniki beat their foreheads and said: “We dare not point out, but we only wish to know how the Tsar intends to rule in his Novgorod region: for we do not know Moscow customs. " The Grand Duke ordered his Boyar, Ivan Yuryevich, to respond as follows: “Know that in Novgorod there will be neither Veche Bell, nor Posadnik, but there will be only the power of the Tsar: that both in the country of Moscow and here I want to have volosts and villages; that the ancient lands of the Grand Duke, taken away by you, are now my property. But condescending to your prayer, I promise not to take people out of Novgorod, not to interfere with the Boyars' fatherland and leave the court in the old days. "

A whole week has passed. Novgorod did not send a reply to John. On December 14, Theophilus with officials appeared and said to the Boyars of the Grand Duke: “We agree not to have either the Veche or the Posadnik; we only pray that the Sovereign will quench his anger forever and forgive us sincerely, but on the condition not to bring Novogorodtsev to the Nizovskaya land, not to touch Boyarskaya's property, not to judge us in Moscow and not to call us there for service. " The Grand Duke gave his word. They demanded an oath. John replied that the Emperor did not swear an oath. “Let us be content with the oath of the Boyars of the Grand Duchy or of his future Viceroy of Novgorod,” said Theophilus and the Posadniki: but that was also refused; asked dangerous letter: and that one was not given to them. The Moscow boyars announced that the negotiations were over. Here is the love of ancient freedom in last time strongly showed up at Veche. The residents of Novgorod thought that the Grand Duke wanted to deceive them and for this did not take an oath in the faithful fulfillment of his word. This thought shook especially the Boyars, who did not stand either for the Veche Bell or for the Posadnik, but stood for their fatherland. “We demand battle! - thousands exclaimed: "We will die for our freedom and Saint Sophia!" But this outburst of generosity produced nothing but noise, and had to yield to the composure of reason. For several days the people listened to the debate between the friends of freedom and peaceful citizenship: the former could promise him one glorious death amid the horrors of hunger and futile bloodshed; other life, security, tranquility, the integrity of the estate: and these finally prevailed. Then Prince Vasily Vasilyevich Shuisky-Grebenka, hitherto a faithful defender of the free Novgorodians, solemnly resigned from the rank of their Voevoda and went into the service of the Grand Duke, who received him with special mercy.

On December 29, the ambassadors of Vech, Archbishop Theophilus and the most distinguished citizens, again arrived in the Grand Ducal camp, although they did not have the fear, expressed humility and prayed that the Emperor, putting aside his anger, would tell them by word of mouth what favors his Novgorod homeland. John ordered to let them in and spoke thus: “My mercy has not changed; what I promised, I promise even now: oblivion of the past, the court of old times, the integrity of private property, dismissal from the Nizov service; I will not invite you to Moscow; I will not take people out of the Novgorod country ”. The ambassadors hit their foreheads and left; and the Boyars of the Grand Duke reminded them that the Sovereign demanded volosts and sat down in their land. The residents of Novgorod offered him Luke the Great and Rzhev Empty: he did not take it. Ten more archbishop and monastic volosts were proposed: he did not take even those. "Choose what you yourself) please," they said: "we rely in everything on God and on you." The Grand Duke wanted half of all the archbishop's and monastic volosts: Novgorodians agreed, but persuaded him not to take land from some poor monasteries. John demanded a correct inventory of the volosts and, as a sign of mercy, took from Theophilos only ten: which, together with the monastic ones, amounted to about 2,700 run around, or taxes, except for the lands of Novotorzhsky, also given to him. - Six days have passed in negotiations.

1478 January 8, Vladyka Theophilus, the Posadniki and Living People prayed to the Grand Duke to lift the siege: for the tightness and lack of bread caused diseases in the city so that many died. John ordered his Boyars to agree with them about tribute and wanted to take seven money from each farmer; but agreed to reduce this tribute by three times. “We wish you another mercy,” Theophilus said: “We pray that the Grand Duke does not send his scribes and tributaries to us, who usually crowd out the people; but let him believe in the conscience of Novgorod: we will count the people ourselves and give the money to whom he commands; and whoever conceals even one soul, let him be executed. " John promised.

January 10 The boyars of Moscow demanded from Theophilus and the Posadnikov that the Yaroslav's court be immediately cleared for the Grand Duke and that the people would swear an oath of fidelity to him. The residents of Novgorod wanted to hear the oath: the Emperor sent it to them in the Archbishop's Chamber with his Clerk. On the third day, Vladyka and their dignitaries told the Boyars Ioannovs: “The Yaroslavs' court is the legacy of the Sovereigns, the Great Dukes: whenever they want to take it, and with the square, may their will be done. The people heard the oath and are ready to kiss the cross, expecting everything from the Sovereigns, as God will put on their hearts and having no other hope. " The clerk of Novogorodsky wrote off this oath certificate, and Vladyka and the Five Ends approved it with their seals. January 13, many Novogorodsky Boyars, Zhitnykh people and merchants swore allegiance in the camp of Ioannov. Then the Sovereign ordered to tell them that their suburbs, Zavolochans and Dvinyans, would kiss the cross in the name of the Grand Dukes, without mentioning Novgorod; so that they would not dare to take revenge on their fellow-citizens who were in his service, nor on the Pskovites, and in the event of disputes about lands they would wait for a decision from the Governors, without appropriating any arbitrary rule for themselves. The residents of Novgorod promised and, together with Theophilus, asked the Tsar to deign to verbally and loudly declare his mercy to them. John, raising his voice, said: "I forgive and will henceforth favor you, my pilgrim, and our fatherland, Veliky Novgorod."

On January 15, the ancient Veche collapsed, which to this day was still gathering at Yaroslav's Court. The nobles of Moscow, Prince Ivan Yuryevich, Theodor Davidovich and Striga-Obolensky, having entered the Archbishop's chamber, said that the Sovereign, having heeded the prayer of Theophilus, the entire sacred Cathedral, Boyars and citizens, forever forgets their guilt, especially out of respect for the intercession of his brothers, with the condition that Novgorod, having made a sincere vow of loyalty, should not betray him either in deed or in thought. All the noble citizens, Boyars, Living people, merchants kissed the cross in the Archbishop's house, and the clerks and military officials of the Ioannovs took an oath from the people, from the Boyar servants and wives at the five ends. The citizens of Novgorod gave John the letter with which they agreed to stand against him unanimously and which was sealed with fifty eight seals.

January 18, all the Boyars of Novogorodsk, the Children of the Boyars and the Living People beat their foreheads to John so that he would accept them into his service. They were told that this service, in addition to other duties, commanded each of them to inform the Grand Duke of all evil intentions against him, not excluding either a brother or a friend, and requires modesty in the secrets of the Sovereigns. They promised both. - On this day, John allowed the city to have free communication with the surrounding area; On January 20, he sent a messenger to Moscow to his mother (who cut her hair without him in Inokini), to the Metropolitan and to his son with the news that he led Veliky Novgorod to all his will, on the next day he allowed the local Boyars, Living people and merchants with gifts to him and sent his Viceroys, Prince Ivan Striga and his brother, Yaroslav, to occupy the Yaroslavs' Court; but he himself did not go to the city, for there were raging diseases.

Finally, on January 29, on Quarters of Oil Week, he with three brothers and Prince Vasily Vereysky arrived at the St. Sophia Church, listened to the Liturgy, returned to the Iozerie and invited all the noble Novgorodians to dinner. At the table, the archbishop presented him with a panagia, overlaid with gold and pearls, a struff egg, bound with silver in the form of a goblet, a carnelian glass, a crystal barrel, a 6-pound silver bowl and 200 shipwrights, or 400 ducats. The guests drank and ate and talked with John.

On February 1, he ordered to take into custody the Merchant Starosta, Mark Pamfiliev, February 2, the glorious Martha Boretskaya with her grandson Vasily Feodorov (whose father died in the Murom dungeon), and after the Zhichnyh people - Grigory Kiprianov, Ivan Kuzmin, Akinf with his son Roman and Yuri Repekhov, take them to Moscow and describe their entire estate to the treasury. These people were the only victims of the formidable Moscow autocracy, either as obvious, implacable enemies of it, or as well-known friends of Lithuania. Nobody dared to intercede for them. February 3 The Viceroy of the Grand Duke, Ivan Obolensky-Striga, found all the written agreements concluded by the Novgorodians with Lithuania, and handed them over to John. - Everything was calm; but the Grand Duke sent two other Governors to the city, Basil of China and Boyar Ivan Zinovievich, to maintain silence, ordering them to occupy the Archbishop's house.

February 8 John listened to the Liturgy for the second time in the St. Sophia Church and dined in his camp with his brother Andrey the Lesser, with the Archbishop and the noblest people of Novgorod. February 12, Vladyka Theophilus presented gifts to the Emperor before Mass: a chain, two charms and a golden ladle, weighing about nine pounds; a gilded mug, two cups, a misu and a silver belt, weighing thirty-one pounds and a half, and 200 shipwrights. - February 17, early in the morning, the Grand Duke went to Moscow; in the first camp, in Yamny, he treated the Archbishop, Boyars and Zhitish people of Novogorodskys to dinner; took from them several barrels of wine and honey; he gave everyone away, let him go with mercy to Novgorod and arrived in the capital on March 5. Following him, the glorious Vechevoy Bell Novogorodsky was brought to Moscow and hung on the bell tower of the Assumption Cathedral, on the square. - If you believe the legend of the modern historian, Dlugosh, then John acquired immortal wealth in Novgorod and loaded 300 carts with silver, gold, precious stones found by him in the ancient treasury of the Bishop or from the Boyars, whose estate was described, in addition to the countless number of silk fabrics, cloth, furs and so on. Others value this booty of 14,000,000 florins, which is undoubtedly increased.

So Novgorod submitted to John, for more than six centuries it had a reputation in Russia and in Europe as a People's Power, or Republic, and really having the image of Democracy: for the civil Veche appropriated to itself not only the legislative, but also the higher executive power; elected, replaced not only Posadniks, Thousands, but also Princes, referring to the letter of gratitude from Yaroslav the Great; gave them power, but subordinated it to their supreme; accepted complaints, tried and punished in important cases; even with the Moscow Sovereigns, even with John, they concluded conditions, mutual affirmed by an oath, and in violation of them having the right of revenge or war; in a word, it ruled as an assembly of the people of Athens or Franks on the field of Mars, representing the face of Novgorod, which was called Sovereign... Not in the rule of free German cities - as some Writers thought - but in the primitive composition of all the Powers of the People, from Athens and Sparta to Unterwalden or Glaris, one should look for examples of the Novgorod political system, reminiscent of that deep antiquity of peoples, when they, electing dignitaries together for wars and courts, retained the right to observe them, overthrow them in case of inability, execute them in case of treason or injustice, and decide everything important or extraordinary in general councils. We saw that the Princes, Posadniks, and Thousands in Novgorod tried litigation and led the army: so the ancient Slavs, so once all other peoples did not know the difference between military and judicial power. The heart or the main composition of this Power was Ognischane, or Living people, that is, homely, or owners: they were the first warriors, as natural defenders of the fatherland; they left Boyars or citizens of renowned merit. Trade produced merchants: they, as less capable of military affairs, occupied the second degree; and the third - free, but the poorest people, called black. Citizens Junior came to modern times and stood between the merchants and the black people. Each degree undoubtedly had its own rights: it is likely that the Posadniki and Thousands were elected only from the Boyars; and other dignitaries from Zhity, merchants and Younger citizens, but not from black people, although the latter also participated in the verdicts of the Vech. Former Posadniki, as opposed to Degrees, or real ones, referring to old were mostly respected for the rest of their lives. - The mind, strength and lust of power of some Princes, Monomakh, Vsevolod III, Alexander Nevsky, Kalita, Donskoy, his son and grandson, curbed the freedom of Novgorod, but they did not change its main statutes, with which it held for so many centuries, temporarily constrained, but never giving up their rights.

The history of Novgorod is the most curious part of the ancient Russian. In the wildest places, in a harsh climate, founded, perhaps, by a crowd of Slavic fishermen, who in the waters of Ilmen filled their seas with abundant fishing, he knew how to rise to the level of a famous Power. Surrounded by weak, peaceful Finnish tribes, he learned early to dominate the neighborhood; conquered by the brave Varangians, he borrowed from them the spirit of the merchant class, enterprise and navigation; expelled these conquerors and, being a victim of internal disorder, conceived a Monarchy, in the hope of providing himself with silence for the success of civil society and strength to repel external enemies; thus decided the fate of the whole Northern Europe and, having given existence, giving sovereigns to our fatherland, calmed by their power, strengthened by crowds of courageous Varangian newcomers, he again wanted the ancient liberty: he became his own legislator and judge, limiting the princely power: he fought and fought merchants; back in the 10th century he traded with Tsaremgrad, back in the 12th he sent ships to Lubeck; through the dense forests he opened his way to Siberia and, having conquered the vast lands between Ladoga, the White and Kara seas, the Obiya River and the present Ufa, with a handful of people, planted the first seeds of civic-mindedness and Christian Faith; transferred Asian and Byzantine goods to Europe, in addition to precious works of wild nature; informed Russia the first fruits of the European craft, the first discoveries of the Beneficent Arts; famous for his cunning in trade, he was also famous for his courage in battles, proudly pointing to his walls, under which lay the numerous army of Andrei Bogolyubsky; to Alta, where Yaroslav the Great with the faithful Novgorodians defeated the evil Svyatopolk; to Lipitsa, where Mstislav the Brave with their squad crushed the militia of the Princes of Suzdal; to the banks of the Neva, where Alexander humbled Birger's arrogance, and to the Livonian fields, where the Order of the Swordsmen so often deflected the banners before St. Sophia, turning to flight. Such memories, feeding the people's ambition, produced the famous proverb: who is against God and Veliky Novgorod? Its inhabitants also boasted that they were not slaves of the Mughals, like other Russians: although they paid tribute to the Ordin, they did not know the Baskakovs and were never subjected to their tyranny to the Grand Dukes.

The chronicles of the Republics usually present us with a strong action of human passions, outbursts of generosity and often a touching triumph of virtue amid the rebellions and disorder inherent in popular rule: so the chronicles of Novgorod, in their unartificial simplicity, reveal features that are captivating to the imagination. There the people, moved by loathing to the atrocities of Svyatopolk, forgets the cruelty of Yaroslav I, who wants to retire to the Varangians, dissects the boats prepared for his flight, and says to him: “You killed our brothers, but we are going with you to Svyatopolk and Boleslav; you have no treasury: take everything that we have. " Here the Posadnik Tverdislav, unjustly persecuted, hears the cry of the murderers sent to thrust a sword into his heart, and orders him to carry himself sick to the city square, and die before the eyes of the people, if he is guilty, or be saved by his protection, if he is innocent; triumphs and is forever confined to a monastery, sacrificing the peace of his fellow citizens with all the pleasures of ambition and life itself. Here the worthy Archbishop, holding a cross in his hand, appears amid the horrors of internecine warfare; raises the hand of those who bless, calls Novogorodtsev his children, and the clatter of weapons stops: they humble themselves and hug each other fraternally. In battles with alien enemies, the Posadniki, Thousands died in front of St. Sophia. The saints of Novgorod, elected by the voice of the people, out of universal respect for their personal qualities, surpassed others in pastoral and civil dignities; exhausted their treasury for the common good; built walls, towers, bridges and even sent a special regiment to the war, which was called Vladychny Being the chief guardians of justice, internal improvement, peace, they zealously stood for Novgorod and were not afraid of either the wrath of the Metropolitans or the revenge of the Moscow Sovereigns. We also see some constant rules of generosity in the actions of this often frivolous people: such was not to be exalted in success, to express moderation in happiness, firmness in adversity, to give refuge to exiles, to faithfully fulfill treaties, and the word: Novgorod honor, Novgorod soul served sometimes instead of an oath. - The Republic holds on to virtue and falls without it.

The fall of Novgorod was marked by the loss of military courage, which decreases in the trading powers with an increase in wealth, which disposes people to peaceful pleasures. This people was once considered the most militant in Russia and where they fought, they won, in internecine and external wars: this was the case until the XIV century. Happily saved from Batu and almost free from the yoke of the Mughals, he was more and more successful in the merchants, but weakened in valor: this second era, flourishing for trade, disastrous for civil freedom, begins with the time of John Kalita. The rich Novgorodians began to buy silver from the Princes of Moscow and Lithuania; but liberty is saved not by silver, but by the readiness to die for it: whoever pays off, he admits his powerlessness and beckons the Sovereign to him. The Novgorodskie militias in the 15th century no longer represent to us either an ardent spirit, or art, or brilliant successes. What, apart from disorder and cowardly flight, do we see in the last decisive battles for freedom? It belongs to a lion, not a lamb, and Novgorod could only elect one of the two Tsars, Lithuanian or Moscow: fortunately, the Vitovtovs' heirs did not inherit his soul, and God gave John to Russia.

Although the human heart tends to be benevolent to the Republics based on the fundamental rights of liberty, dear to him; although her very dangers and worries, nourishing generosity, captivate the mind, especially the young, inexperienced; although the Novgorodians, having a popular rule, a common spirit of trade and communication with the most educated Germans, undoubtedly differed in noble qualities from other Russians humiliated by the tyranny of the Moguls: however, History should glorify in this case the mind of John, for statesmanship ordered him to strengthen Russia by a solid union of parts as a whole, so that it achieves independence and greatness, that is, so that it does not perish from the blows of the new Batu or Vitovt; then Novgorod would not have survived either: taking his possessions, the Sovereign of Moscow put one facet of his Kingdom on the banks of the Narova, in a threat to the Germans and Swedes, and the other beyond the Stone Belt, or the Ural ridge, where fabulous antiquity imagined sources of wealth and where they really were in deep in the earth, abundant in metals, and in the darkness of forests filled with sables. - Emperor Galba said: "I would be worthy to restore the freedom of Rome, if Rome could use it." The Russian historian, loving both human and state virtues, can say: "John was worthy to crush the fragile liberty of Novgorod, for he wanted the firm good of all of Russia."

Here it falls silent special History of Novgorod. Let's add to it the rest of the news about his fate in the state of John. In 1479, the Grand Duke went there, replaced Archbishop Theophilos, allegedly for a secret connection with Lithuania, and sent him to Moscow, where he died six years later in the Chudovskaya monastery as the last of the famous people's rulers; his successor was Hieromonk Trinity, named Sergius, chosen by lot of three spiritual persons: how the Grand Duke wanted to show respect for the ancient custom of Novgorodians, depriving them of the right to have own Prelates. This Archbishop, not loved by the citizens, returned to the Trinity Monastery for illness a few months later. His place was taken by the Chudovsky Archimandrite Gennady. - The spirit of freedom could not suddenly disappear among the people, who had enjoyed it for so many centuries, and although there was no general rebellion, John saw displeasure and heard the secret complaints of Novgorodians: the hope that freedom could be resurrected still lived in their hearts; their natural obstinacy was often revealed; malicious intent was also revealed. To eradicate this dangerous spirit, he resorted to a decisive means: in 1481 he ordered to take into custody there noble people: Vasily Kazimier with his brother Yakov Korob, Mikhail Berdenev and Luka Fedorov, and soon all the main Boyars, whose property, movable and immovable, described on the Emperor. Some accused of treason were tortured: they themselves denounced each other; but those sentenced to death announced that their mutual denunciations were slander, forced by torment: John ordered them to be sent to the dungeons; to others, clearly innocent, he gave estates in the regions of Moscow. Among the richest citizens, then imprisoned, the Chronicler names glorious wife Anastasia and Boyar Ivan Kozmin: at the first in 1476 the Grand Duke feasted with his court; and the second went to Lithuania with thirty servants, but, being dissatisfied with Casimir, he returned to his homeland and thought at least to die there peacefully. - In 1487, 50 best merchant families were transferred from Novgorod to Vladimir. In 1488, the Governor of Novogorodsky, Yakov Zakharievich, executed and hanged many Zhizn people who wanted to kill him, and sent to Moscow more than eight thousand Boyars, eminent citizens and merchants who received land in Vladimir, Murom, Nizhny, Pereslavl, Yuryev, Rostov, Kostroma; and to their lands, to Novgorod, they sent Muscovites, servicemen and guests. This resettlement pacified Novgorod forever. The corpse remained: the soul disappeared: different inhabitants, different customs and mores characteristic of the Autocracy. John in 1500, with the consent of the Metropolitan, distributed all the Novgorod church estates in the estate to the Boyarsky Children.

Boris Akunin

History of the Russian state.

From the origins to the Mongol invasion.

Part of Europe

The design used illustrations provided by the agencies Fotobank, Shutterstock, as well as from the author's archive and free sources.

© B. Akunin, 2013

© AST Publishing House LLC

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© Electronic version books prepared by Litres (www.litres.ru)

Before you decide whether it makes sense for you to read this essay, I must warn you about its features.

I am writing for people who have little knowledge of Russian history and want to understand it. I myself am the same. All my life I've been interested in history, got history education, wrote dozens of historical novels and nevertheless once realized that my knowledge consists of separate fragments that do not fit well into the overall picture. I didn’t have a clear idea of ​​how and why Russia turned out just like that. And I realized: to answer so short question, you will first have to read tens of thousands of pages, and then write several thousand pages.

I am not building any concept. I have not it. Any historian who creates his own theory cannot resist the temptation to push out facts that are convenient for him and shut up or question everything that does not fit into his logic. I have no such temptation.

In addition, I am a determined opponent of ideologized history. Both self-praising and self-deprecating lines, abundantly presented in the writings domestic historians, I am equally uninteresting. I want to find out (or calculate) how it really was. I have no preconceived opinion. There are questions and there is a desire to find answers to them.

This is the history of not a country, but a state, that is, political history: state building, mechanisms of government, relations between people and power, social evolution. I touch on culture, religion, economics only insofar as they are connected with politics.

Russia is, first of all, a state. It is not identical to the country, and at certain moments of history it even happened to be hostile to it, but it was the state of the state that invariably determined the vector of evolution (or degradation) of all spheres of Russian life. The state is the cause of both Russian troubles and Russian victories.

An attempt to understand what is so and what is wrong in our millennial state (and why) is what this work is ultimately started for.

Foreword to the first volume

The origins of all national history, if it lasts for many centuries, resemble pre-dawn twilight. At first, some kind of indistinct noises are heard from the darkness, ghostly silhouettes appear, obscure movements are guessed. And only with time, very slowly, events and human figures acquire clarity. The information that has reached descendants is vague, fragmentary and often contradictory or simply implausible.

Because of this, many historians are tempted to add coherence and consistency to the story of ancient times, to "explain" what happened, and hypotheses and guesses are given the appearance of an established fact. I had such a temptation too, but I tried to overcome it. That is why in this volume there are frequent phrases "most likely", "probably", "presumably" - as a sign that this information is a reconstruction. To essays on history Ancient Rus where authors confidently operate with dates, facts, numbers and names, should be treated with caution.

After studying very few sources and very numerous interpretations of these sources, I was convinced that none of the historians knows exactly when, by whom and under what circumstances the first Russian state was created and built. Textbooks often give dubious dating of events, and the events themselves, upon closer examination, sometimes turn out to be a retelling of myths. Numerous absurdities of "canonical" historiography, which began to take shape in the eighteenth century, prompted some researchers to the other extreme - to reject traditional chronology and put forward various hypotheses that turn the whole history upside down. The more temperamental the author is, the more revolutionary his version looks.

The text presented to your attention is completely unrevolutionary and untemperative. The main method is the notorious "Occam's razor": everything superfluous (and unreliable) is cut off; only the facts remain that are considered by most historians to be verified, or at least the most probable. If doubts remain, this must be discussed.

The country that we call Ancient Russia was so different from Russia of the post-Mongol era that through the thickness of the past centuries it seems to us some kind of vanished, legendary Atlantis. Therefore, I considered it expedient, as a supplement, to add to the presentation of political history a purely everyday descriptive chapter "Life in Ancient Rus". The chronicles registered only memorable events, that is, extraordinary, out of the ordinary course of life. If we restrict ourselves to retelling the chronicles, it may seem that all early history consisted of wars, epidemics, crop failures, the change of rulers and the construction of large churches and fortresses. The inserted part, although it gets out of the general line of the narrative and goes beyond the set title task, will give the reader some idea of ​​how and what the ancient Russian people lived.

The peculiarity of the historiography of the Kiev period is that there are very few sources of information - at least written. Fundamental, in fact, only one: "The Tale of Bygone Years", a chronicle that was preserved not in its original form, but in two different options later time. The coinciding fragments of these two options are considered the protograph, that is, the original text. But he, apparently, corresponded and changed under the influence of the political conjuncture. The chronicler describes the events of the ninth and tenth centuries very approximately, and in some places clearly erroneously, inserting legends and tales, obviously gleaned from folklore. There are also large gaps. Only from the eleventh century, the narrative turns from a set of legends and pious parables into a historical chronicle itself, and the dating becomes confident, often with the citation of not only the year, but also the number. However, when describing recent incidents, the author is not impartial, outlining the "Kiev" interpretation of political collisions and clearly flattering Vladimir Monomakh (perhaps the initiator or even the customer of the edition that has come down to us), which forces us to treat many statements and descriptions with a certain skepticism. Alternative chronicles, including regional ones (Novgorod, Galicia-Volyn), appear only at the end of the described period and cannot significantly add to the picture.

In addition to the meager chronicle heritage, historians studying Ancient Rus have a code of laws of the 11th century known as "Russian Truth", but it also survived only in later, modified versions and, moreover, does not contain a story about the events. Some additional information is found in foreign chronicles, Byzantine and Western European, but they are often distorted or frankly biased and very fragmentary - obviously, the life of a distant country did not interest foreign chroniclers too much. Russia was of undoubted interest for the Varangians, who for more than three centuries sailed to the East Slavic lands to be hired, trade or rob, therefore, a lot of interesting information has been preserved in the Scandinavian sagas, but these tales, of course, cannot be used as a reliable source.

Finally, there are notes from travelers who have visited Russia. These testimonies sometimes help to clarify or double-check some facts, but foreigners are poorly versed in Russian realities, misinterpret names, and sometimes write explicit fables.

Some information about political history can be gleaned from archaeological finds, although sometimes they not so much provide answers as raise new questions.

This is, in fact, the entire knowledge base with which historians have to work. Therefore, it is not surprising that the so-called “official history” of Ancient Russia is to a large extent a consensus (that is, recognized by the majority) reconstruction of what most likely happened. And on many issues there is no consensus at all.

Was there really Rurik? Did the Slavs invite the Varangians? Who are “Varangians-Rus” anyway? Did Oleg nail the shield to the gates of Constantinople? History has no categorical answer to all these and many other questions - only assumptions.

In my essay, you will not find answers to controversial questions either. I did not set myself such a task, but was guided by the principle of D.I. Ilovaisky, who wrote back in the century before last: the importance that he meets in the consistent movement of his labor. But he has no right to evade the solution of issues of primary importance. "