And men in history. Experience of social crises in the historical memory of the Repin L p. Personal history

(from book Lyudmila Rashidovna HutTheoretical and methodological problems of studying the history of the new time in the domestic historiography of the turn of the XX-XXI century: Monograph / L. R. Hut; Moscow pedagogical state University; Adygei State University. - M.: Prometheus, 2010. P. 529-549)

L.R. Hut.Today, June 14, 2009, we talk with the Deputy Director of the Institute universal history RAS, President of the Russian Society of Intellectual History, Head of the Center for Intellectual History IVI RAS, a member of the All-Russian Association of Medievists and Historians of the Early New Time, Association of British Studies, International Commission on Cities in the International Congress of Historical Sciences, responsible editor periodic publications "Dialogue with time. Almans of Intellectual History "," Adam and Eve. Almanac of gender history, "a member of the editorial board of magazines" New and the Newest History "," Middle Ages "," Social Story ", Dr. Historical Sciences, Professor Lorina Petrovna Repina.

Lorina Petrovna, how can you characterize a modern situation in domestic historiography? In particular, does it fall, in your opinion, under the concept of "crisis"?

L.P. Repin. (Laughs) very interest Ask, given how much we have written and how much about the crisis. It seems to me that we are a little late in their characteristics. We had a period that, indeed, it was unambiguously characterized as a crisis. True, taking into account the fact that we understand under the crisis, since different people understand this word in different ways. At one time, back in the 1980s, when we discussed the problem of the crisis, we have a completely clear community shared into two parts. Some understood under the word "crisis" something that ended with almost fatal outcome. Others, optimists, apparently understood under the word "crisis" what, in the end, ends with a very new and positive situation that it is necessary to go through the crisis to move away, in order to revise what it seems Already obsolete and, maybe, really, requires revision and go into some new channel. I, as an optimist by nature, naturally, stick to this point of view, especially since, in general, it seems to me that reality has proven that the crisis is generally very characteristic of historical science. If we look at the history of historiography, we will see that from time to time science is in such a state.

L.R. Hut. In other words, the crisis is not an indicator of unhealthy?

L.P. Repin. This is not an index of unhealthy, this is a signal, this is an indicator that you need to inventive everything that has been done by this time. See what does not satisfy the accumulated knowledge, i.e., those theories, maybe those concepts that already look outdated not because it seems to us that we need to change the dress for a new one, but because we really find some kind Contradictions that, in general, do not allow us to work further in the same paradigm. Although, as always, supporters of the old paradigm exist perfectly for quite and very long time, and maybe they will survive those who seem to be in the forefront. So, if you look at the history of historiography, we will see a number of situations where such a crisis was. Moreover, the historiography of science as a whole, and not only historical science, also shows the presence of such crisis situations when, in fact, this update occurs. Therefore, it seems to me that it is not necessary to take it so dramatically. On the contrary, if there was no crisis ... There is no crisis of the dead in the dead, that's certainly, they never fall into the crisis ... (laughs).

L.R. Hut.Those. Science organism alive?

L.P. Repin. Absolutely. This is just the indicator of its resilience. I can not say that we are now at the peak of development, of course, it would be ridiculous to say this, but, in the end, we have very interesting work, we see a new one, and not always this new - just what goes after Some paths scheduled for Western historiography. Of course, we understand with you that a lot was borrowed. During that time, while we were dealing with some other questions, all the same, foreign historical literature went pretty far forward. Especially since we do not take into account at all, it seems to me, one thing. Why overseas historiography in definable periods, and if we speak more precisely, then in the second half of the 20th century, so violently developed? This was also connected with the rapid development of socio-humanitarian knowledge in general, in the West, above all. We also had very hard restrictions in this sense for social theories. And they did not just borrow these theories from the adjacent sciences. They recycled them, they adapted them, they used them actually to work with historical sources, and they were able to reach very many positions, which, unfortunately, we had poorly developed, although there were separate, as we know perfectly, examples, Which, in general, went in the forefront. But as for the 2000s., Already, in my opinion, in general, in the root, it is incorrect to consider this situation only from the position of the crisis. It seems to me that this is just already a completely obvious way out.

L.R. Hut. It can be said that in the history of the domestic historical science of the turn of the XX - XXI centuries. Two stages are already pretty clearly distinguished: this is, conventionally speaking, the end of the 1980s - 1990s. - Searches for new self-identification, and 2000s. - acquiring your face.

L.P. Repin.Yes, like any phenomenon, it, of course, is very inhomogeneously. There are unevenness in different areas of historical science, it is understandable. This, of course, conditionally, as any periodization is conditional, but these two stages are very clearly visible. I would even say so: maybe not until the very end of the XX century, and somewhere until the mid-1990s, in general, somewhere, maybe since 1996-1997. It begins, it seems to me that a new stage.

L.R. Hut. You are a person who holds a high post in the corporation of Russian historians, burdened by various kinds of official powers. In this post, from the height of these official burdens that you most worried as a representative of the corporation of Russian historians? And in general, do you feel like a member of the corporation?

L.P. Repin. I feel like a member of the corporation, but the fact is that, speaking of the corporation, we must understand what we mean. If we are talking about the corporation of Russian historians in general, it is very difficult to identify themselves here. Yes, of course, I am a historian who lives in Russia, works in Russia, is a Russian historian in this sense. But at the level of communications, especially at the level of everyday communications, it is certainly very difficult to speak. On the other hand, we have corporate associations. Our media programs, for example, love to say that they are members of Medievist Corporation. If I keep in mind, I consider myself a member of another corporation. We can talk about corporations as part of a particular direction of development of historical science (I do not specifically use the word "subedyscipline"), because we know with you there is a disciplinary membership of historical science, but I am wider here I take - say, directions, approaches which can be divided by people, and this is aware very clearly, and clearly manifests itself in everyday communications. What I'm talking about, first of all, is a society of intellectual history. You know, in fact, when we just started to create it, I must say, it was very interesting, because in some sense spontaneously arose. Actually, what was we talking about? It was about new approaches, a new look at the fact that there is a story of ideas, the history of creative activity of man, including a lot of directions of this creative activity. How to take a different look at her? And suddenly it turned out that there are a lot of people whom I did not know personally became, as a magnet, attract each other and to those who, in fact, began talking about it. And we started the conversation and at conferences, and in periodical press ... These people were absolutely not familiar to me, I did not even assume that they were engaged in something that enters this space, a very extensive intellectual history space.

L.R. Hut. In conversations with colleagues - historians, I have repeatedly heard that the intellectual history society led by you is one of the few in modern Russian historical science of examples of successful cooperation of a fairly wide conglomerate of historians, representatives and metropolitan, and regional science, which found a common field for cooperation, I would even say in terms of modern "fragmentation" knowledge, which takes place in historical science. This society is an example from the discharge of exceptional. How did you manage it?

L.P. Repin.It was sudden to some extent. When we just started when my first publications began to appear on this topic, there was communication with people, I did not expect such a reaction at all. I thought it was the direction that I was interested in which I was involved in all my life, because we are talking about the history of historical science as part of intellectual history. And suddenly I drew attention to the fact that people would seem completely unrelated to this, are interested, suitable, send letters. I think it was associated with some kind of people, by that time already pronounced. It was the need to update, a new look at the same historiography. You know perfectly well, as we have long understood the historiography, which was generally on the backyards historical studies, perceived as something almost the most marginal even in auxiliary historical disciplines. Only as a problem historiography, i.e. Something auxiliary in order to write a graduation work or dissertation. And that's it. I remember how to give a certificate for our director about the most promising directions of modern historiography, including the direction of intellectual history. And, by reflection, Alexander Ohanovich decided to create such a center of intellectual history at our institute. At the end of 1998, he was created, and suddenly some strange movement began. Philosophers, sociologists, political scientists have come to us, even economists, but to a lesser extent, those who dealt with the history of economic thought. We conducted a wonderful conference on intellectual communities in Perm with political scientists. We thought we were talking on different languagesBut it turned out that we can talk to each other, although it was the first experience. You see, intellectual history is a very broad interdisciplinary field. It is interdisciplinary by definition, because we are talking about the mental activity of a person in a wide variety of areas, in various fields of knowledge and not only knowledge. By the way, we have a lot of people who are engaged in the history of art, the history of literature, literary criticisles come to our seminars. It turns out that there was a need to combine the efforts of all in such a stereoscopic vision of this space of intellectual history. Indeed, I hear, they talk about this at different conferences and in our, and in other institutions, that this is a rare case, when suddenly it turned out this implementation. Of course, we needed another stage of great organizational work, but it was already the second step. The first is genuine interest, purely human, to communicate, very active. Moreover, oddly enough (now only you understand that it was not strange, and then I thought it was strange), we have many people from different regions that respond and work very actively - and much less in the capital. Now, however, the situation has changed in the capitals. We have a very large regional office in St. Petersburg, the largest regional office in general. In Moscow, too, actually work quite actively. Literally every year, regional offices are added and added.

L.R. Hut. I can voice my, regional historian, subjective feelings "about". You know, I want to feel part of something. This is the need increasing. I would like to be in the profession not according to the principle of "History Himself" and alone "weave patterns". I admit that for metropolitan, Moscow historians, communication with colleagues objectively is excessive. For example, I was convinced that the seminars were not very walking towards each other. And I'm insanely interested everything. You see, I think that people from the regions just reached out to the structure you created precisely for this reason - the desire to be part of that whole, which is still referred to as historical science.

L.P. Repin. Quite right. You see, if we talk about Moscow, at the Academy of Sciences, we have many sites for meetings in universities. Even if we talk only about our institute, we have so many seminars that it's just physically impossible to participate in each of them. Of course, in the regions of this less. But that is completely striking and very interesting - ultimately, regional offices are created, and people begin to actively communicate in the region after they joined this large community. I mean not just communication at the level of everyday life, but scientific communication. Do you understand how interesting is happening? They did not find each other, although they were near, until they joined the big community, to this conventional center.

L.R. Hut. I always return to the question "On the role of a person in history." So, after all, you need a person who will appear at the right time in the right place and will feel the fluids that literally twist in the air?

L.P. Repin. Yes, they were literally in the air.

L.R. Hut. And if there were no Lorina Petrovna Repina? What would be…?

L.P. Repin. Maybe there would be something else.

L.R. Hut. Are you sure?

L.P. Repin. By the way, I can say, because it was. Here, for example, that seminar, which was at Yuri Lvovich Immortal. After all, there are a lot around him gathered people. Of course, there were fewer people from the regions, there were mainly Muscovites, Moscow scientists, but he collected people around himself for a very long time, precisely because it was not just a person collects, it should be offered something that everyone will see the opportunity His participation. And it was. It was a wonderful completely seminar who taught everyone a lot. Then they sorted somehow. And not because Yuri Lvovich did not become before, it began. But at that moment it was necessary. It was 1994-1996. It is very important that there was such a seminar, and maybe if Yuriy Lvovich was alive, then around him would be much more peopleSince not yet engaged in intellectual history. There would be another field. But from the regions there, indeed, it was much less. I do not know what it is connected with. We have a very big friendship, contact. Maybe it is due to the fact that I actually go a lot. This year, I think I drove less than usual, and then I had all the time of the trip, every month, and then two. And it is very important. Thank God, we now have the Internet, there is an email, without which, by the way, all this would be impossible, because I think is now viable, the community is actively communicating on the Internet, through the Internet, via email. We have a huge country, otherwise it is impossible to combine it. And you imagine the situation of the late 1990s.?

L.R. Hut.Very good imagine.

L.P. Repin. And we had a society even in Irkutsk. True, we did not reach Vladivostok, although I traveled there, but there it somehow did not have a community. But Irkutsk was the easternmost our regional branch, and what we would do if there were no email. We have a lot of branches in Siberia. Everyone is surprised why you have so many regional offices in Siberia? Siberia was, to rarity, responsive to this proposal. For some reason, really, a lot in different Siberian centers, starting from the Urals and on the east. Our departments in Omsk, Tomsk, Yekaterinburg work very actively. Do you know what else is surprising, and I really like, thanks to which this is all so unfolded? Each compartment found his own "highlight", his niche in this huge space. Here, for example, Omsk. In that common space They formulated even more clearly, allocated their directions that were engaged earlier. These are problems of historiography, historiographic life, a new object of historiography, a historical and anthropological approach on the material of historiography. Work perfectly. Our Rostov branch has a wonderful niche - a person's second plan in history. Six releases have already come out, and they continue this project. Do you know what's interesting? Now, from the regions, people go to each other. Not to Moscow, but each other, and sometimes from afar. So there is something there, exactly where they go? There already has its own space, there are accumulated some things. It is impossible to replace anything. Or Tomsk branch, for example. Tomsk always famous for his school on the methodology of history. Our colleagues in Pyatigorsk work very interesting. By the way, in this city there is no classic university as such. At first, the Stavropol branch appeared, very successfully working towards a new local history. Then they, as it were, spread their experience further, having carried out such a kind of colonization. And in Pyatigorsk, in a linguistic university, another one separates our separation. We also have branches in Bryansk, Tambov, Yaroslavl, Saratov. The branch in Kazan works very successfully. Now, taking into account new opening regional offices in Voronezh and Nizhny Novgorod, there will be somewhere 37 in total. This is a lot really. You know, there are very small organizations, for example, in Ufa or Cherepovets, where only several people are, but they united thanks to this movement. I may really call it some kind of movement. Suddenly people appear, they write to me, for example, from Barnaul, ask how can be joined in society. We answer, enter into correspondence. It even seems to me that people are not so much, may seek to engage in the scientific problems of intellectual history as such as finding the interlocutors with whom they could discuss some kind of scientific problems. We are now more and more faced with the fact that people who, actually do not engage in the full sense of the word history of ideas, history of science, etc. They are somewhere on tangentially, i.e. They have something that goes into this space, but the main problem is different. For example, we have a lot of those who deal with the actual social, and not intellectual history.

L.R. Hut. I think that again, voluntarily or unwittingly, we return to the question of the role of personality. Probably, it is not by chance that the head of this society is a person for whom the methodological reflection is the organizing agent of his stay in the profession. In this regard, a very painful question for me, which was born from the practice of the reality surrounding me. Why, in your opinion, so-called. "Practitioners" of historians are so wary of themselves, in the mass of their own, I still insist on this, to the so-called. "Rootless" methodologies and epistemologists? (L P. Repin from the soul laughs) Why the very phrase "methodological reflection" often causes such an inadequate, a bossary reaction from those who consider themselves the true representative of the corporation, i.e. Workshop of professional historians?

L.R. Repin . You know, firstly, this, of course, it is the reaction in the literal sense of the word, this is the heritage that we have. It is clear that the relationship was to the methodology in its time, and, of course, it cannot be spilled immediately. Especially since it still actively functions, as you could be convinced by the example of our institute, the generation of historians who used to consider the methodology or as a recipe (i.e., there is a methodology that we adhere to, and this is how to eliminate us from the need on this occasion to think about this), or at all outside this (considering that what they do is a purely historical profession, which is not based on any methodology, neither, especially, ideology, etc.) I am very skeptical I treat how you understand, to this kind ways to reflect on your profession. But I will tell you more. The fact is that, since I have been engaged in English history and historiography all my life, mostly British, I had to communicate with British historians a lot. It started since 1988, because before that I did not go anywhere. I drew attention to how the situation in foreign historiography is changing. There, too, it is especially especially, by the way, it has always been typical for British historiography, because there were proud of their empiricism and, in general, they also did not really pay attention to the methodology of historiography. They also asked me with great surprise at the beginning: "What do you do? History of historiography? " It is like outside the profession or at least on its fields. Every year the situation changed, because historiography changed, the story itself as a discipline. It changed dramatically. In the last third of the XX century. Our science itself, our discipline has changed its image. And now we say that I do not think about what I am doing, but I just take a source and rewrite ... As I recently argued one of our historians: "The source reports, it means that it is." What should I talk about? It's hard to talk. Just we speak different languages. And it seems to me that after what was done not only in foreign historiography, not only in the overseas history methodology, but also in our, after Arona Yakovlevich Gurevich, Yuri Lvovich the Immortal, already talking about what we are doing so, because What we take the source and write out a quote from it, and he informs something that is just strange. Then we love to talk about interdisciplinary, but 90 percent. Such statements are exclusively a declaration, just a declaration. Completely do not understand, firstly, that the very idea of \u200b\u200binterdisciplinary historical, it changed, it was very different, and, secondly, interdisciplinaryism is not that I will tell you that I use such non-traditional sources that I Borrowing such a method, but we must think in this interdisciplinary context. And to comprehend your place in this context, how can I without a methodology? What are you then imagine if you do not understand this of your place, your own features? In order to understand the features of the historical method, you need to understand the methods of other sciences and be able to reflect on this. After all, we do not just take something and, you know how the iron is transferred from one place to another. Or any other toolkit, if we talk about a real toolkit. This thing can be so transferred, and that is, the danger is burning. And when we talk about creative, research tools - it does not happen. Here you always need to understand. Here is your reflection, and without it.

L.R. Hut. Do you have your own methodological "label"? Do you somehow position yourself in the methodologically?

L.P. Repin. Maybe yes. (Laughs). Although, you drew attention, it may be that now they talk about pluralism, by the way, with different estimates, and with a plus, and with a minus, and, probably, do not quite understand ...

L.R. Hut. Allow, I will immediately clarify?

L.P. Repin. Yes.

L.R. Hut. You said Pluralism. I heard two mutually exclusive statements about this. On the one hand, "pluralism is good, but pluralism in a separate head is schizophrenia." On the other hand, "I use research analysis methodologies, characteristic of various methodological directions, can be accused of eclecticism, but the eclecticism is also a style."

L.P. Repin. Let's draw an analogy with the artist. Of course, the artist is not a scientist, it's time. But still, these are creative professions, there and there.

L.R. Hut. Sure.

L.P. Repin. Here is an artist, he will equally write and a portrait, and a landscape, and a household scene, and still life? Is it the same techniques to apply when writing different absolute paintings? Probably, he changes his palette, he changes the colors that he writes, he changes, maybe strokes, i.e. Somewhere he writes smoother strokes, somewhere he imposes them differently. The same, probably, the historian. He cannot write a microforic story in exactly the same way as he writes the course, let's say on national history, on regional history, etc. He also applies miscellaneous methods? Of course. So I do not think it is "schizophrenia". The fact is that any method can be effective and ineffective, depending on what it is applied to, from understanding the subject of research and understanding what you want from this subject, what you want to know. Therefore, it would be very strange if we were all operated on only one paint. What is the lack of our historical education? In my opinion, that we do not give our hands the whole palette when the historian is preparing. At best, it will read quantitative methods, computer science. And who teaches us content analysis, discursive analysis, all sets of methods that exist in socio-humanitarian knowledge? The same interviewing method that you do now? I'm not talking to that that every historian should apply all these methods. But he must, firstly, know about their existence, secondly, to understand what their essence is, and what they can be applied. He must have this palette. Another thing, he can prefer warm or cold tones, but he must have a palette. And we have no one. None of the university is preparing a historian so that he keeps the set of at least the basic methods used in modern social and humanitarian knowledge.

L.R. Hut. The historian not only can, but also must be different?

L.P. Repin. I must, of course. Our profession is now much wider than in the XIX century., Professional skills and competence are understood as usual now.

L.R. Hut. If we started competencies, it is impossible to bypass the so-called activity approach to learning.

L.P. Repin. Yes, but it is all possible only at seminars, practical classes. Reading lectures on methods is just ridiculous, understand? So does not transmit knowledge. How was even transmitted to the knowledge that we conventionally call positivist in historiography? From hand to hand. Absolutely right was M. Block, it is still this craft. Craft is just so, from hand to hand, and passed. And from hand to hand - it's like? You do together. I always remember how Eugene Vladimirovna Gutnova was engaged in me. We started with it with the fact that together read and commented on the source. This is an activity approach. Not that she reported to me how to do, we did it together. She taught me the way Yevgeny Alekseevich Kosmasov took her at her time. She had a portrait on the wall, where she was sitting next to him with the Tom of the Statutes of the Kingdom, and they read it together. Only so you can pass the craft. And if we are talking about modern methods and assume that the teacher will come and for 10-20 hours of lectures will tell about all the methods, and we will approximately represent what it is, here, from such courses and is born this disregard and negative attitude to the methodology .

L.R. Hut. Lorina Petrovna, if again, from the height of a bird'sral flight, take a glance on the methodological innovations that happened, even if we are relayed, in the domestic historiography of the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, which of them seem to you the most interesting, most promising?

L.P. Repin. You mean innovations in the sense of theory or in the sense of practice, i.e. Are some historical directions?

L.R. Hut. I'm more interested in the theory.

L.P. Repin. You probably already understood from my articles that I am with great interest in new sociological theories that are connected with an attempt to synthesize structural and activity approaches. There, of course, there are a lot of samples, they check out something, I have already written about how they converge in some one space, they simply call some things in different ways. The terminology of sociological theories varies. But, essentially, if we talk about their application in history, they orient us about one vein, these are attempts to such a synthetic approach, which, by the way, can be implemented in history. I brought examples of such exemplary research that require tremendous painstaking work, but, nevertheless, allow us to show how the structures that followed by the activities of people are born, which themselves then determine this activity. These are the sociological theories of E. Giddens and P. Bourdieu, of course. Although each of these authors can be addressed to some of our dissatisfaction. In particular, P. Bourdieu very many criticize for his concept of Gabitus, because the determination is too visible there. You know, the torn quotes are always very simplifying and rounded the concept. We must not pull out the quotes, you need to carefully read everything, even where it seems to you that he knows about something. To understand the concept, you need to be very and very careful. In fact, if you read carefully, there is no hyperdeterminism there. Very interesting, by the way, our Petersburg sociologists work. For example, V. V. Volkov and O. V. Kharhordin. Their "Theory of Practice" is a wonderful brand. They actually represent various practitioner theories. For the historian it is a storehouse. It is clear that we do not borrow these theories. We are just trying on this basis to comprehend the material with which we are dealing with. They simply focus us, for the historian these theories are orienting, and when we do this in this way, we are very enriching our own work. In general, what is the "method"? "Path" if you translate this word into Russian. They show us the way, and not at all that we iron must embed everything in this scheme anything.

L.R. Hut. I think you are very correct about P. Bourdieu said. I tried to selectly read it, say, section "Field of Science" from his work "Social space: fields and practices". I did not go, and I realized that everything was necessary to read everything, because, really, you can only perceive the concept after a deep immersion in the author's argument system.

And how did your "bridge" happened to the work of the Russian historiography of the turn of the XIX - XX centuries? For me, it is very sensible what you write in your recent work "The idea of \u200b\u200buniversal history in Russia: from the classics to neoclassic." You are looking for and find in the work of well-known Russian historians of this period what is consonant with the search for modern Western historiography and our retransmons about this. How did you happen to you?

L.P. Repin. In fact, I must say that it was all a long time ago, I was always interested in the history of historiography. It was known to me when I didn't do it yet. I just wondered it, I read a lot. Then, you know, because we have in the XIX century. There was a very strong angel school. Volia-Neils, even when I was engaged in the specific historical problems of medieval England, I, of course, read and work our leading specialists. Therefore, I was well acquainted with the intellectual context of that time.

L.R. Hut. Now you have a very tight article in the idea of \u200b\u200buniversal history. What is it connected with?

L.P. Repin. I can't even say with what it is specifically connected with. Probably with my constant interest. The fact is that when I read these works, I try not to read there, what is there, you understand? I do not want to bring together what is written there, those ideas, those thoughts that are reflected there, with the fact that I now imagine. Another is very important. You see what the matter is, because what has grown in world historical science at the end of the XX - early XXI centuries, also not from the sky. It sprouted. You did not pay attention, but many Western historians, I mean large, which think methodologically, very often refer to the same Western historians (Russian literature, they, of course, do not know at all, or know very badly) For some reason, the old, XIX and especially the beginning of the XX centuries. They also detect some thoughts that excite their creative activity, their creative reflection today. They are consonant in something, and in something on the contrary, they allow you to always find something new, but for something appealing, i.e. With something comparing. You can say yes, this is a new one, when you compare with what is already there. In this sense, what are the interesting these historians? First, the second half of the XIX century. - This is the golden age of all historiography. Both world, foreign, and our, domestic. Leading, wonderful, the great of our XIX historians. There were not only at the level of world science, they largely in their respective areas exceeded Western historians. I really like to quote T. N. Granovsky, when he says that we, Russians, we can see in foreign history, not a Russian, and universal history, what either French, nor English, nor German historians see, because What is this story for them - its own. And we look at these processes from the side, and even at such a moment when we go similar processes, although they have long passed for them. And here is the wonderful expression of P.G. Vinogradova "Antiques of British History". Here, they say, Russian historians are interested in antiques of British history. Why? Because for them it is not antiques, it was the reality in which they lived. The processes were very similar, but, of course, in many respects and differ. And they were not accidental so interesting for them. Or, for example, the same Vladimir Ivanovich Gerier. I have long been dreaming for a long time, but so far, unfortunately, I did not write, Large Article "Vladimir Ivanovich Heerier and the beginning of intellectual history in Russia." What VI did Gerier - this is now the intellectual story about which we are talking about. Modern intelligent history only goes into this space. Such works, which he did according to V. Leibnitsa, we do not have yet, no. He does not have a leiban, not just his ideas, not just his life. He has the entire intellectual context, all of Europe, it shows all the communicative networks. This is a modern idea of \u200b\u200bintelligent networks. He does not call it an intellectual network, but it has everything has been demonstrated. He shows how these ideas spread, not just connections between intellectuals as, and how these ideas were wider in the educated society, let it be only the top of society, but as they spread. By the way, he writes about what role the Women played in this, the salons. And when was the work when was written? In the middle of the XIX century! Forgot about her at all. And now we wanted to reprint it. When I negotiated, I was reproving in St. Petersburg. And what did they do? They published her one to one, without comment, without everything, you know? What is it for a bear service Vladimir Ivanovich Gerie? This is a monument of thought, still, there was a thorough comment, I needed a huge research article for his own work already, not V. Leibnitsa, whom he put in the intellectual context of the era, and his work was delivered to the intellectual context of that era when This work was written and first published. And so what? Well, reproduced, just like a lot of us. You have seen, probably, the new editions of our historians of the XIX century. I really "like" as textbooks R.Yu. Vipper published, remember? Students say to me: "Lorin Petrovna, why Wipper?" I ask in response: "Do you know who it is?" They do not even know that. They do not understand. How can I do so? I had an article that was called "Intellectual History Contexts". She is very small, short. Of course, it was necessary to deploy it, I'm going to do it over time. There are many contexts, these are social, and political, and, in fact, intellectual and cultural contexts of that era. But the analysis of intellectual history is also another context, vertical. This is the same permanent interaction with the ideas of the past centuries, but they live, because they are in books in the texts. Here is an intertextuality in a completely alive embodiment. What is a library? It creates such a context. And we all forget that the philosopher of the XVII century, let's say, not only in its age, not only the ideas of their century, he communicates with the philosophers of antiquity, Renaissance, Scholasts of the Middle Ages, etc. And historians too. Historians that do not read? Is that the same Jean Boden did not read the historians of an earlier period? Or historians of the XVIII century. were illiterate? The researcher forgets that these ideas simultaneously coexist, they are not just lying on the shelves, they interact with us.

L.R. Hut. When we are talking about interdisciplinary, then we, first of all, mean the dialogues of historians with representatives of related, and sometimes non-negative branches of knowledge. And what about the conversation of the intracene? Suppose between medievalists and historians of the new time? Can they and should communicate? If so, what should I talk about?

L.P. Repin. I generally do not understand it as a question. I am surprised by such a division. After all, very often our mistakes, some irregular interpretations arise, in particular, in those areas that are on the border. Why? Because medievists believe that it is "not them", and the novelists believe that this is also "not them." And as a result, there is a whole layer, not something that is completely unexplored, but somehow poorly studied.

L.R. Hut.Here, for example, early new time ...

L.P. Repin. Yes, it has always suffered. XVII century - Is it sufferer, understand? Because before, how were we? Until the end of the XVI century. - This is still medievalists still studied, it was fixed in the textbooks. From the English revolution studied novelists. And what did it work? The English revolution was in the middle of the XVII century. And this is the entire XVII century, I say not only about the history of England, but in general about the XVII century, it turns out in some interval, in some corridor that does not particularly shine anyone. Did not really do it. Now the periodization has changed, thank God! But still I do not see, especially ... understand what's the matter? At our institute, early new time to middle eyelids more. In RGU, this is a new story. This is purely institutional, these are personal and institutional factors. What at the university, I even imagine badly.

L.R. Hut.The recent article of the head of the Department of New and the latest history of Europe and America Easthan MSU L.S. Belousov, published in the magazine "New and the Newest History", indicates that this question is not fully cleared for them.

L.P. Repin. You see, it is very somehow randomly happening. This is a purely institutional. In different universities in different ways. I have such a division - medievists, novists - no precisely because I was always interested in the story as a science as a way of thinking. I am interested to read and on the latest history of the book and articles, although it is interesting to read, of course, good books that the big rarity. I really like to read books on Russian history, although I have never been doing it. I am very friendly with Orientalists, and in our projects many of them participate. By the way, they opened a completely new communication, a new circle. They were like a ghetto in their institute of Oriental Studies. Moreover, they are sitting there on "apartments", the cines with the indoors do not communicate, the Arabists do not communicate with anyone. But they entered this project. What is modern historical science? These are projects, collective projects. I believe that the future is behind it. Of course, individual monographs remain and everything else. But where can I have a breakthrough? Collective projects that do not recognize neither geographical nor chronological boundaries. And this is how we did all our projects. Our global project - on intellectual history. There are no delimitation, there are no geographical and chronological boundaries, we worked all together. And also there is our project on the history of memory, the history of historical consciousness. Orientalists take part in it, experts in the West, various epochs, ranging from the Ancient East and ending with modernity, modern Russia and other countries. Absolutely no restrictions in space and time. And you know, a completely different look arises. Many people have become different to look at their own material. For example, one of the very talented of our young research, the cultureologist by profession, wrote now a great book, which has not yet been published, about monumental practices.

L.R. Hut.What is her name?

L.P. Repin. Svetlana Yeremeeva. She made reports several times with us, was at our conferences, published. True, in the project itself, she as the main executive did not participate, but its article was published. Great perfect work on memorial practices in Russia from the end of the XVIII to the end of the XX centuries.

L.R. Hut. With great respect, treating a truly strong and many medievist corporations on themselves "in the dashing 90s", I, nevertheless, has repeatedly expressed a claim, the essence of which is as follows. They are too closed on themselves, including when discussing those issues that, in my opinion, cannot discuss medievists or only novelists. Maybe this comes from the most good motivations, from the natural and normal feeling of self-preservation, I do not know. I will give a specific example. Carefully reading the materials of the three-day reader's conference "Middle Ages", especially with the materials of the third day, devoted to the discussion of the problems of early new time, in particular, the problems of periodization, I discovered with great surprise for myself that, firstly, discussed This problem is only medievalists, and, secondly, one of the final slogans of appeals sounded like this: "We must take our glade!" What does "our Polyana" mean? And in this sense, I still believe that in this part, building my relationships with colleagues on the workshop of a very respected corporation of medievists is not entirely correct.

L.P. Repin.By the way, pay attention to who participates in this corporation, because there is also a lot of medievalists, namely, the early new time specialists. In general, the media programs are characterized by workshop thinking, although, of course, to a lesser extent than for antique. Anticoles are generally a closed corporation. But still there is this workshop thinking, an idea of \u200b\u200bmyself as about your corporation. In part, there are some advantages in this, but in a modern situation, if we talk about a modern historiographic situation, this is not a plus, but minus. The dialogue should be. And with representatives of other disciplines, I mean other sciences, and with representatives of other industries of our historical science. But here are difficulties on both sides. The fact is that many of our media and our novists speak different languages. If we talk about specialists in a new story, they are still much more, we have groups and XVIII, and by the XIX century. And they are engaged in completely different things, they are absolutely differently looking at the material with which there are different positions from the point of view of the methodology. If our group is history XVIII. in. Sees his main task in identifying as many archival documents on the relationships between enlighteners of different countries, what to say medievalists with them? There is simply no platform from which you could talk. And our specialists in the XIX century. The main project is now associated with the formation of civil society and certain institutions, but, in general, mainly they are still engaged in a political or socio-political history. You know, it is very difficult to interact here. Why so attractive new research fields that came, maybe from Western historiography, but, nevertheless, we bloom in full color? Exactly, they do not know such borders. They are built around the approach. Methods can be different if we are talking about the method, not about the methodology as a whole, but about the method. But, for example, a gender approach. He unites, because here we will not say, here you are medieval, and I do a new time. If you have sociocultural ideas about masculinity and feminology in your focus, you don't care what period your interlocutor is engaged. You are interested in his material, because you see these familiar fields that give you some kind of food for your own reflection. Or intellectual history is the same. And if you are detected and publishing an archive source as such as our colleagues do in the XVIII century., Or if you do a specific, I would say, the social history that has not yet passed the same socio-cultural history, then what should you talk about? If you are engaged in a medieval workshop, what do you talk about the person who deals with the XIX century?? The platform for your conversation is very limited. You can only say something as a whole, but this is not very big interest causes. Why do I think that the so-called sociocultural story, if it is widely understood, or cultural and intellectual history has good prospects? She greatly brings people, she gives them more or less holistic, unwritten, or a look at what we study. After all, when we are talking about the study of cultural ideas, we have the same ideas about everything, i.e. We do not allocate any purely political, economic, etc. here. Why did we come to us and with a great interest with us worked on those who dealt with the history of economic thought, for example? What we were talking about? And we have a general position, this is this intellectual context. Even if we talk about the living people of that time. They did not sit in individual cells, they communicated. The same C. Darwin, for example. He also communicated with people who were engaged in completely different sciences, but, nevertheless, what effect all this had, and what interaction. Therefore, you understand, it is interesting. If we are engaged in a very specific problem, it does not mean that all our thoughts and interests should be limited to this. No wonder the most outstanding historians of all times and peoples have always been widely thoughtful people, did not close themselves in their specifics.

L.R. Hut. I would venture to formulate a question that is simultaneously approval. After acquaintance with a sufficiently large number of studies of domestic media broadcasts and news stakes of the XX-XXI centuries. I noticed that medievist corporation is more focused on working within, generalizedly speaking, microcompasses to the study of the past. Newsties are still more to the macro. I got the impression that the material calls for some others in different directions. So, attempts to a holistic view on the realities of the development of the historical process, first of all, are caused by the needs of the globalizing, as they say today. The well-known discourse that history has always been world, but in the actual sense, it becomes exactly in the era of the new time. So that is the era of the new time requires substantive interest in interaction. Hence the demand, first of all, comparative analysis. The field of medievalism, in my opinion, provokes, first of all, interest in this "patterns", to locals, to private plots.

L.P. Repin. I would not agree with you here. If we talk about a new story, then in Western historiography there is a huge number of research on local history, as well as on mediating, and in early new time. You know, a local story is flourishing now. True, not today it began, but, nevertheless, it is a lot of research. Just a few days ago I looked through a magazine, which I love very much, and which is called "Economic History Review". It regularly published a bibliography on the economic history of England for some particular year. Like a magazine of economic orientation, but what is not there, not only economic history. In a detailed bibliography (similar to small fonts on 54 magazines) there is a "Local Story" section. It is clearly distinguished by volume. Local history, regional history. In many countries, these terms are perceived almost as synonyms. Those. It does not depend on chronology.

L.R. Hut. Does not depend?

L.P. Repin. Does not depend. I am not talking about our historiography now, but about the world, i.e., this is the XIX century. So. Probably, by the XX century, but I just don't do it. He somehow does not interest me in this regard. So, this is not the point. The point is apparently in the other. On the one hand, the development of the local history of the Middle Ages in the West, including in Britain, which I was specifically practiced, is largely due to the fact that local archives are preserved there - and parish, and rural, and urban. On the other hand, these medieval documents are much smaller than the documents on the XIX century. In addition, by the XIX century. Very many documents are in the central archives, because at this time the state has already played another role, and, first of all, partly moved to the state archive, central, secondly, for example, censes, i.e. The census, also there were state. And all the documents went there. And in the Middle Ages, such documents were settled in local archives. Therefore, such works written in local archives, in the framework of local history there are really a lot. You come to one village, sit in it for so many years as you need, and make a dissertation on the material of this very village. And make a larger scale on a specific historical material, and even at a later period, when, naturally, more sources is quite difficult. This means, it is necessary to apply or mathematical methods, quantitative, because you need to take the sample, you cannot master all the documents. Or you need to invent something, so to speak, some other techniques for the development of this material. This is what I am talking about concrete research. Another thing is generalizing work. Of course, these are completely different things, this is another genre of work at all. As for micro and macroistoria, it all depends on the tasks that the historian has in front of each case. For example, at my favorite local historian, by the way, the former head of the Local History of the Local History of Charles Filian Adams had different books. He was engaged in a purely local history. But once he was asked to write a generalizing work on the history of England XVI - XVII centuries. And he realized that this is completely different work, another look at the story. And so he wrote a special job of the "historian between local and national". This is another genre, another vision, it is quite difficult to move from one to another. And very often, I think historians are just a flirtary, saying that they are adherents of such a very specific, scrupulous, subtle research, so they will not deal with some generalizations. In fact, it is ridiculous to hear, because the historian is always engaged in generalizations, with no particular material he worked. He still does some generalizations if he, of course, does not work with one sentence in one source, simply levels of this generalization may be different. Honestly, I would not divide. This is an accident in many respects. This, you know, with brains connected, special brains, probably, are needed in order to generalize. It's not so easy to actually, unless you think abstract schemes, but trying to summarize a very large and very diverse material. With any generalization, the details always suffer, it is clear, it is impossible to avoid it. But, nevertheless, otherwise how would we focus in the world if we did not generalize? Therefore, it seems to me that there is no such dilemma. In general, I think that those historians who knew how to work as such a shuttle way were the greatest success - from micro- and back. And then they could grow something, some kind of knowledge that is not captured at some level. And at one time, Yevgeny Vladimirovna said wonderfully, it is very important to study not the lowest, not the smallest sociocultural forms and not the highest, at the level of the state, for example, and the average. This, in fact, wrote the same Filian Adams in his reflections over the local and national in history. This, as I call it, "Mezoistoria" is not just in the middle, through it all the interaction between micro and macro.

L.R. Hut. Lorina Petrovna, "Will Clio survive with globalization?"

L.P. Repin. Question Mikhail Anatolyevich Boytsova. (Laughs). The story will survive, of course. The story lived and will live. A person cannot focus on time, cannot realize himself, not aware of his past, i.e. without a biography. Both one person and the group as a whole, not to mention the big societies. History - what is it? If we talk on T. N. Granovsky, this is the biography of humanity. The national state will go, but humanity will remain. Here imagine the Russian XIX century. It would seem, the nationality is going on, at the peak of the state history, and they, our great historians of the XIX century, are talking about the history of mankind, and not about national history. A N.I. Kareyev did you perceive all this? You know, I feel bad with us. This is either due to inattention, or due to lack of interest, or because of laziness. Read N.I. Kareeva - He said everything about the global history. Everything is absolutely. He spoke about what story from a world point of view. This is the history of interactions and relationships. So write so global history since the earliest time.

L.R. Hut. History - science or art?

L.P. Repin.It all depends on what we mean by this word. As you know, the word "story" is multival about. If you consider professional historiography, it is, of course, science. But, probably, along with this science, there is a so-called popular story, which in principle is designed to popularize scientific knowledge, but not in our country, that's for sure. In our country, what is called popular history, not scientific knowledge, but is engaged in journalism, simply. It is absolutely clearly visible. Therefore, I never do a popular story. It is a sorry, of course, but in our country it is impossible.

L.R. Hut. Is the face that divides natural and humanitarian sciences is it?

L.P. Repin. You know, now natural sciences are very close to the humanitarian. They also went out for their frames.

L.R. Hut. This is good?

L.P. Repin. It is very good. Probably, let it be so.

L.R. Hut. Do you know what I noticed? Representatives of natural and mathematical sciences want to get close to the story, but their historians are distant by their historians. I can not understand what it is connected with?

L.P. Repin. We are talking about whether the story will survive. How without the past? After all, to understand today's situation, it is necessary to understand where we came from this situation. After all, we see a lot of such cases when we begin to climb maths in history, thinking that they will understand everything perfectly in it, because they are so smart, and do not understand what the essence of the historical method is in general, and the results are like Fomenko. Of course, historians try to simply move away from this, because it is useless to argue with these people. It happened before. They came to our institute, tried to discuss. They were told, they showed them, clearly even. I remember how G.A. Poshelenko said them: "You come to me on the excavation, I will give you a shovel in my hands, dut." And they answer: "It's just buried there. Especially falsified the story, and everyone was buried. " What to talk about these people? This, of course, individual cases, but there are others.

L.R. Hut. Why do these books, Nosovsky and Fomenko, let's say so actively published?

L.P. Repin. This is a question for those who publish these books. In this part of the rights of Pavel Yuryevich Uvarov, when he says that we have no community. He means, above all, the expert community. We have no examination. But here it does not depend on us. After all, the expert should become. Independent examination should be, and where is it with us? Who invites us as independent experts? The same publisher, let's say before publishing one or another book? It is important for him to get money in my hands. It does not matter what is depicted there. Therefore, he will never call such a specialist who will say that it is impossible to publish this book. They had huge money, they published their books with millionshadis.

L.R. Hut. Where did the money come from?

L.P. Repin. I think they had a lot of sponsors, patrons of different. And then, you know, it's easy. After all, everything is simplified, especially scandalous, it is interesting, very often invited to the radio, to perform on television. By the way, I remembered how the Western historians write about it, just wonderful. And how P. Bourdieu wrote about it, you did not read? This is a song, as he describes it. Invite and say: "You will be on the speech 3 seconds." (Laughs). He has a wonderful book about television. There are thoughts that are not only for television, but for everything. This is his lectures. He did not go to such events and said: "I do not understand, why? This is a profanation. " I respected him and respect for it.

L.R. Hut. And it does not work, which it is due to the presence of such money making communities on such "hot" scenes or "incredible" ideas, the road to the normal organic natural dialogue of historians and the same mathematicians is complicated?

L.P. Repin. Typically, I bring this example just in this regard. People with special offers sometimes come to me. Or send us something. There is a clean clinic, I do not speak about it at all. When, for example, a person writes that he opened the law of development of human civilization, and wants me to look at this law, what to talk about it? But there are quite a normal people, from physicists, some of the techies of some who are trying to show (and I first tried it, it's now I do not discuss with them) that it is wrong, that there is no material so that it is to reason what you need to work with sources. What is sources, they do not understand at all. He L.N. Gumileva read and believes that there is nothing more. What to talk to them? There will be no conversation. Who can you talk with? For example, Leonid Iosifovich Borodkin. In his time, he came from there, completely from another medium. I have now, what to argue with him, but still he became a historian, gained historical thinking, works with historical sources, with a historical audience. This is a completely different thing. And many think that historical methods are nonsense. However, the critical method for analyzing the source material is one of the most difficult methods, if it really needs to work with it.

L.R. Hut. Lorina Petrovna, you can not even imagine how much things they said very meaningful for me. Thank you very much!

From the author

The book presented to the court is the result of perennial research. With the problem of the history of women and gender history, I first encountered in the late 1970s. In the course of studying modern historiography and various directions in the social history of the second half of the XX century., which constituted the main subject of my scientific interest. At that time, the topics of female and, especially, gender studies looked completely exotic and in Western historical science, not to mention Soviet historiography, based on the methodology of dogmatized historical materialism, in which the class approach reigned and there was no place for such categories of analysis as a biological or Social floor. Over the past quarter of a century, the situation has changed radically, and now a gender approach in social and humanitarian sciences, including history, found not only full-way, but also popularity. The increment of historical knowledge, which modern science is obliged to overestimate the history of women and gender history.

One way or another, published in the second half of 1980 - early 1990s. Works on social historiography of the second half of the 20th century, I had a chance to touch on and "female" and gender history, which eventually became more developed and methodologically equipped. Subsequently, the interest in these plots received an additional impetus in connection with the participation of a collective project on the history of privacy (under the leadership of Yu.L. Immortal) in the mid-1990s. It is by this time that the idea of \u200b\u200bthis book belongs, which, though, has undergone significant changes related, mainly already with my pedagogical practice.

Representing the reader this book, it should be obviously explaining its not quite traditional structure. In the first part of the book, which corresponds to the initial design, there were two tasks in front of me: on the one hand, consider the formation and development of female and gender studies in the historiography of the TC very noticeable social and cultural phenomenon of modernity, on the other - to develop key aspects of the problem of integrating gender and social Analysis in a historical study. The second part presents the most significant results of gender-historical studies, forcing the picture of the European past in historiography in many respects. It uses specific historical material related to the cystor of the largest Western European countries, as well as a comparison of data on various regions of Europe. Special attention is paid to the turning point of European history.

Of course, we are not talking about any systematic and consistent presentation of the truly immense material, which today does not fit even on pages of multi-volume generalizing publications. It was advisable to be appropriate in a more concentrated form to outline with rather large strokes opening before historians the prospects for the European past reinterpretation, taking into account the gender dimension.

Summarizing in this book of its research in the field of issues and methodologies of the female and gender history of the 1980s 1990s in this book., I simultaneously put the task of developing a specific model of a special course curriculum, which aims to reveal theoretical prerequisites, research approaches, methodological searches and results Specific studies in the main directions and plot nodes of the gender history of Europe.

The final structure of the book developed precisely with the needs educational process. Unfortunately, the traditional conservatism of the historical profession "grows up" also conservatism of the educational system. Since the introduction of relevant special courses to educational programs (as well as the introduction of gender dimension in the programs of general training courses on historical disciplines) is encountered on serious difficulties not only by organizational, but also - which is very important - conceptual nature, I tried to offer one of the possible and In my opinion, promising options for their methodological solution, built on a combination of theoretical, historiographic and problem-chronological approaches (see Part III).

Teaching practice I revealed the urgent need to combine historiographic analysis with the analysis of the original texts, and for this purpose - to provide a course of an affordable complex of primary sources. In order to more efficiently organize the educational process (including seminars, as well as independent work Students) The book includes the Reader, in which the texts (or fragments of texts) are collected by various aspects of gender ideology, gender socialization, gender consciousness in their historical development. In addition, the book includes an extensive systematized bibliography, which, I hope, will be useful and to those skilled in the art, and those who make the first steps in a huge research field of gender history.

Completing the work on the book, I use the case to express deep gratitude to A.L. Yarstresky, G.I. Zvereva, as well as all colleagues from the seminar on the history of privacy for their friendly responses, constructive tips and critical comments: Without them, this book would be completely different or, perhaps, did not take place at all. I also grate A.G. Superovich for help in selection of sources.

1 Repin L.P. "History Revolution" and theoretical searches at the turn of the centuries // http: //www.set/11667165/_%D0%98%D1%81%D1%82%D0%BE% D1% 80% D0% B8% D0% BE% D0% B3% D1% 80% D0% B0% D1% 84% D0% B8% D1% 87% D0% B5% D1% 81% D0% BA% D0% B0% D1% 8F_% D1% 80% D0% B5% D0% B2% D0% BE% D0% BB% D1% 8E% D1% 86% D0% B8% D1% 8F_% D0% B8_% D1% 82% D0% B5% D0% BE% D1% 80% D0% B5% D1% 82% D0% B8% D1% 87% D0% B5% D1% 81% D0% BA% D0% B8% D0% B5_% D0% BF% D0% BE% D0% B8% D1% 81% D0% BA% D0% B8_% D0% BD% D0% B0_% D1% 80% D1% 83% D0% B1% D0% B5% D0% B6% D0% B5_% D0% B2% D0% B5% D0% BA% D0% BE% D0% B2_Revolution_in_historiography_and_theoretical_elaborations_at_the_turn_of _the_centuries Repina Lorina P. revolution in historiography 'and theoretical elaborations at the turn of the centuries Abstract: the author presents an analysis of the changes that occurred during the so-called "historiographical revolution" at the turn of XX - XXI centuries, and the current state of historical science. The subject of study is the consequences of the "vaccinations of postmodernism" and numerous "turns", which led to a radical update in epistemology and methodology of historical knowledge, to the formation of new research models. New interpretations of truth problems and objectivity in history are considered. Keywords: "historiographic revolution", history, theory, postmodernism, "linguistic turn", interdisciplinary, sociocultural history, intercultural dialogue, historical truth Summary: The Author Presents An Analysis of the Changes That Occurred in the Process of the So-Called Revolution In Historiography "At the Turn of the XX-XXI Centuries, And of the Current Status of Historical Discipline. The Object of Study Is The Consequencees of the "PostModern Inoculation" And of Numerous "Turns" That Resulted in Radical Renovation Of Epistemology and Methodology of Historical Knowledge of Research. New Interpretations of the Problem of Historical ProTh and Objectivity Are Discussed. Keywords: "Revolution in Historiography", History, Theory, PostModernism, "Linguistic Turn", Interdisci Plinarity, Socio-Cultural History, Intercultural Dialogue, Historical Truth Repin Lorina Petrovna, Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor, Deputy. Director of the Institute of Universal History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Head of the Department of Historical and Theoretical Studies and the Center for Intellectual History; [Email Protected] REPINA LORINA P., Associate Member Of the russian ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, DR. of SC. (History), Professor, Vice-Director of the Institute of World History, Head of the Department of 2 Theoretic and Historical Studies and the Centre for Intellectual History; [Email Protected] L. P. Repin "History of the Revolution" and theoretical searches at the turn of the centuries The last decades of the twenties and the beginning of the XXI century were marked by deep changes in the structure, content and methodology of social and humanitarian knowledge, and in a rapidly trans-forming general intellectual context there was a radical restructuring temporary historical science. "Cultural", "pragmatic", "memorial", "visual", "spatial" and other "turns" opened new perspectives before historical science: there were new objects and methods of historical research, was involved in the scientific circulation of a colossal array of new sources, developed A number of fundamentally new approaches to the analysis of the sources of traditional, new effective ways of processing information appeared. The scale of the shifts has gave weighty grounds to characterize the situation in the historical science of the stake of ages as the "historiographic revolution" 1 intensive searches led to the creation of new (neoclassical) integral models, built on the principle of complementary micro and macroistoric approaches, and to their use in specific studies, Departure from binary thinking with its opposition macro - and microfori, structures and events, rational and irrational, and to the rapid expansion of the "territory of the historian". Again, an interest in the historical macroprov believes, which is increasingly focused on the study of the environmental, epidemiological, demographic, cultural and intellectual consequences of the development of global relationships over the past half years. A new scientific discipline has been formed - a global story based on the idea of \u200b\u200bthe coherence of the global historical process2. The urgent problems of modernity demanded a refusal of dominant models that build historical processes and the events of the past in the Euro-centrist perspective, and appeal to world history as history is truly universal, which involves the development of new methods of comparative 1 Mogilnitsky B.G. History on a fracture: some trends in the development of modern historical thought // Interdisciplinary synthesis in history and social theories: theory, historiography and practice of specific research / ed. B.G. Mogilnitsky, I.Yu.Nikolava, L.P.Pepina. M., 2004. P. 6. 2 On the "multi-valued logic" of the interpretation of global trends in the history of mankind, see: Tailov K.V. Modern epistemological paradigm in historical science. // Odyssey. Man in history. 2000. M., 2000. P. 10-13. 3 analysis capable not only to identify the general and special, but also to give a new idea about the history of mankind in its integrity and interconnectedness. On the other hand, the effects of "cultural turn" were fully manifested, in which they received a vivid reflection as unprecedented interest in manifestations of human subjectivity in the past and present, and the desire for its contextualization on a new theoretical methodological basis corresponding to the global nature Modern civilization, targets for the development of intercultural dialogue and the principle of unity in the manifold. The study and comparison of paintings of the world, the features of value systems and the content of cultural ideals of different historical societies and civilizations - one of the central problems of modern historical science, and this trend will remain the leading, at least for the coming decades, although in connection with the expansion and complaints to versatility "Cultural History" in front of the researchers there are new problems. The refusal to the "temptations" of absolutization of unambiguously socially or cultural determinism inevitably entails the most difficult "eternal" question: how to represent the multi-level sociocultural community and the trajectories of their historical dynamics, not eliminating the unique and special in the qualities and actions of these commonality of individualities. Optimism regarding the trends in the development of historical knowledge (at least in the near future) inspires the fact that today there is a noticeable preference in historiography is given to contextual approaches, which is true, manifests itself in different areas unevenly and in modified forms. However, the general vector undoubtedly indicates the transition from the causal explanation to contextual3. A widespread understanding of a historical context as a situation defining not only the social conditions of any activity, but also specific challenges and problems that require permission within this activity4. In the widest range of modern sociocultural history, along with an extensive corps of work aimed at analyzing historical types, forms, various aspects and incidents of intercultural interaction, a decent place is to study the problems of individual and collective identity, the ratio of history and memory, which today attract the attention of representatives of all social and humanitarian disciplines and create a convenient "platform" for the future, more methodologically thoughtful transdisciplinary cooperation. The effectiveness of one or another of the versions of the versions of the methodological synthesis built by historians is largely determined by the depth of development 3 today, as never actually sounds expressed in the middle of the twentieth century. Thesis K. Girstsya: "... Culture is not the reason for the event, behavior, institutes or processes; This context (italics is mine. - L.R.), in which they can be intelligible, that is, in detail, describe. " Geertz C. The Interpretation of Cultures: SE-LECTED ESAYS. N.Y., 1973. P. 14. 4 It is worth it, however, it is noted that "universal contextualization" that imposes the necessary restrictions on the imagination of the historian, favorable to analyze static states, but contraindicated to explain the socially historical dynamics. See: Burke P. Varieties of Cultural History. Cambridge, 1997. 4 Theories of "related" sciences, which (at least to the present moment) was, as a rule, insufficient. The trajectory of the development of historical science In the last third of the twentieth century, the first decade of the XXI century showed the entire counterproductiveness of the alienation of the "practitioners" of historians from theoretical constructions and generalizations, from a serious analysis of its categorical apparatus and discuss the problems of epistemology and methodology, which, according to the exact definition of Wedzuchek, Not past, as such, and its historiographic space and those professional gnoseological research methods that allow this image to create, as well as the combination of those norms and principles that are behind the practice of historical research and its result, i.e. Historiography »6. The growth of interest in the theoretical problems of historical knowledge was a natural phenomenon in the development of historical science at the turning point, when the problem of the methodological self-identification of historians who showed the ability to productive interdisciplinary dialogue, but at the same time preserved the commitment of professional standards and standards that kept adherence to professional standards and standards of historical standards science7. The historiographic situation of the present time indicates a pronounced theoretical reflection of historians on the problems of historical research and methods for building historical texts. The difficulties of the cognitive reorientation and the corresponding restructuring of professional conventions, the need for theoretical understanding of their own historiographic practice are recognized by leading historians who adhere to different methodological paradigms: because if the story is discipline, i.e. The related method of study, it must contain something universal, permeating this 5 more. See: Repina L.P. The memory of the past as an apple of discord, or once again about (between interchangeable disciplinary // Historical Journal: Research. 2013. No. 1 (13). Pp. 24 - 32. 6 Luzosk, Wojca. History methodology as a theory and history of historical thinking // Historical science today: theories, methods, prospects / under. ed. L.P. Repina. M., 2011.S. 103. See also: Lapteva M.P. The specificity of the terminological space of historical science // ibid. P. 152 -164. 7 A thorough analysis of the "minimum" (communicative) and optimal "(varying in different areas of history) of professional requirements was given in the article by the famous Swedish historian Rolf Torstandal: Torstendal R." Right "and" fruitful "- criteria of historical science // Historical notes. M., 1995. Issue.1 (119). P. 54-73. "Like all regulatory systems, these norms are society products, that is, they are based on the recognition by their scientific community." At the same time, the minimum requirements and intra-scientific optimal norms "are not the only binding links between the source material and the final picture of the study. They also belong to the subjective interest of the historian and his understanding of the meaning of life "(ibid., P. 71). See also: Ricer P. The historical history and the representation of the past // Annals at the turn of the century. Anthology. M., 2002. P. 39. 5 The study method and justifying (relative) autonomy of history. In other words, the story should have a theoretical dimension. Said in the brief and most general form serves as an argument for the theory in history "8. *** Despite the presence of internal prerequisites for new "turns", the decisive impulse of this movement was still asked by the experience of the "postmodern calling" of historical science, aimed at her idea of \u200b\u200bthe object of historical knowledge, who performed in a new interpretation not as something external to the knowledge Subject, but as what is constructed by language and discursive practice9. The language began to be considered as a sense-forming factor, deterministic thinking and behavior: after all, the language, thanks to its "mandatory categories" (and not only prohibitions) makes us think so, and not otherwise "10. The "literature" of historical texts, the choice of genres, the construction of the plot, the use of rhetorical and stylistic techniques, symbols, images, metaphors. Thus, the story was equated, on the one hand, to the literature (and emphasized the role of aesthetic criterion in the assessment of historical text), but on the other - to ideology11. The question of the criteria of objectivity and methods of control by the researcher over their own creative activity was raised in a new way. From the historian it was necessary to read in 8 megill A. Theory of the theory in historical study and historical history // Historical science today: theories, methods, prospects / under. ed. L.P. Repina. M., 2011.S. 30. 9 On the relationship of postmodernism and historical science, see: Clark J.c.d. Our Shadowed Present: Modernism, PostModernism and History. L., 2003; Thompson W. PostModernism and History. BasingStoke, 2004; and mn. Dr. 10 Bart R. Selected work. M., 1994. P. 375. 11 Distribution of techniques literary critics The analysis of historical texts was associated with the conceptual developments of American humanities led by the author of the "Tropological theory of History", recognized as the leader of the postmodern theoretical and methodological update of the historiographic criticism Hayden White (see: White H. Metistoria: Historical imagination in Europe XIX century. Ekaterinburg, 2002). Recognizing that "historians who do not want to" narrative "the events of the past, but they just want to" report "what they found in the archives" about what happened in the past ", they make something different from the fact that historians did centuries," telling Some story "" H. White, at the same time, expresses confidence that the arguments of historians "should be more based on a common sense than being scientific, and they should be made in the form of a narrative, and not in the form of a logical demonstration." (Interview with Hayden White // Dialogue with time. 2005. Issu.14. P. 343-344). 12 For detail about it: Gorman J.L. The Truth Of Historical Theory // Storia Della Storiografia. 2006. No. 48. P. 38-48. 6 texts, use new tools to reveal what is hidden behind the direct statements, and decipher the meaning at first glance is hardly distinguishable changes in the source language, analyze the rules and ways to read the historical text of the audience that it was intended, and much more13. The culmination of the opposition of the two polar positions - "linguistic" and "objectivist", "postmodern critics" and "orthodox realists" - it took on the line of 1980 - 1990s., However, the results of this "positional war" were not so crushing like this Presented, and compromise proposals were heard 14. By the mid-1990s. The natural protest of historians against the extremes of linguistic turn "was converted into constructive suggestions and weighty arguments in favor of the so-called" middle position ", or the" third platform "built around the central concept of" historical experience "currently occupied. "Moderates" found a plot of support in the existence of reality outside the discourse, independent of the ideas about it and affecting these ideas, is that the impossibility of direct perception of the reality that left into non-existence does not mean a complete arbitrariness of the historian in its "design" 15, and the circle of supporters of the compromise Positions 13 Deployed Analysis of the Language, Logic and Structures of Historical Narrativa See: Kizyukov S. Tips and the structure of historical narration. M., 2000. See also a monograph (especially the chapters on the theory of narrative and types of narration) of the leading historian - "Deconstructionist": Munslow A. Narrative and History. BasingStoke, 2007. 14 First among those who wanted to find a compromise, philosophers involved in epistemology problems played a leading role. Priority here belongs F.R. Ankersmith. See the translations of its most important work into Russian: Ankersmith F. Naractive Logic: Semantic analysis of the language of historians. M., 2003; He is History and tropology: takeoff and drop metaphor. M., 2003; He is Hanging historical experience. M., 2007. 15 Analysis of the various versions of constructivism gave the opportunity to state his reconnaissance representation and the ability to "be a fruitful basis for a number of other concepts of history and past, including a realistic concept, in which mental designs are also real and objectively present." See: Toshendal R. Constructivism and Representativeism in history // Problems of source studies and historiography. Materials II scientific readings of memory Academician I.D. Kovalchenko. M., 2000. P. 63-74. (C. 73). 7 gradually expanded16. Unlike "orthodox realists" 17, historians who share the "middle platform", radically rethought their practice, taking into account the "linguistic turn". The output was found in the paradigm of the "new sociocultural history" interpreting social processes different levels Through the prism of cultural ideas, symbolic practices and value orientations. Along with the development of techniques of literary criticism, attention was drawn to the "social logic of the text" - to the extra-dependence characteristics of the discourse associated with biographical, socially political, event, spiritual contexts, in which the text was created, as well as with the goals, interests and ideological orientations. His creator 18. A prominent role in the "space of possible", limited by the standards of historical criticism, is occupied by models based on the decisive role of the social context in relation to all types of collective activities (including language), and the following in their desire to get away from dichotomies "literature and literature and Life, "Individivide and Society" for the original Dialogical Concept of M.M. Bakhtina 19. Individual experience and meaningful activities are understood in the context of interpersonal and intergroup relations inside the studied society, taking into account the presence of a plurality of so-called "competitive communities", each of which can ask an individual of its "behavior program" in certain circumstances. On the one hand, reading each text includes its "immersion" in contexts of discursive and social practices, which determine its horizons, and on the other hand, various aspects of these contexts are disclosed in each text and 16 cm are discovered., For example: 18-Th International Congress Of Historical Sciences. Montreal, 1995. P. 159-181; Shartier R. History Today: Doubts, challenges, offers // Odyssey. Man in history. 1995. M., 1995. C. 192-205; SPEGEL G. M. On the theory of the average plan: historic history in the age of postmodernism // Odyssey. Man in history. 1995. M., 1995. P. 211-220. See also: Stråth B. The PostModern Challenge and A Modernised Social History // Societies Made Up of His-Tory / EDS. R. Björk, K. Molin. EDSBRUK, 1996. P. 243-262; SPIEGEL G. Theory and Practice of Medieval Historiography. Baltimore, 1997; Chartier R. On The Edge of The Cliff: History, Language, and Practices. Baltimore, 1997. See also: Jazz, Wojca. Interpretation of human actions. Between modernism and postmodernism // Problems of historical knowledge. Materials of the International Conference / D. ed. G.N. Sevostyanov. M., 1999. P. 152-161. 17cm, for example: Evans R. J. IN DeFence of History. L., 1997. 18 Speigel G.M. To the theory of the average plan: historic history in the age of postmodernism // Odyssey. Man in history. 1995. M., 1995. P. 214-219. On the "generating" role of logic and aesthetics in the design of historical narrative, see Topolski, Jerzy. The Role of Logic and Aesthetics In Constructing Narrative Wholes in Historiography // History and Theory. 1999. Vol. 38. No. 2. P., 198-210. 19 cm., In particular: Nielsen G.M. The Norms of AnsweoreAbility: Social Theory Between Bakhtin and Habermas. Albany, 2002. 8 inherent contradictions and conflicts20. In the study of the history of everyday life, priority is given to the analysis of symbolic systems, and, above all, linguistic structures, through which the people of the past perceived the real world, knew and interpreted their reality surrounding their surrounding and painted the future in their imagination. The studies of this kind attracts a combination of two cognitive strategies: on the one hand, close attention to "coercion of culture", to the method of constructing meanings and the organization of cultural practices, to linguistic means, with which people represent and comprehend their world, and on the other - identification The active role of the active persons of the story and the method, which the historical individual - in the circumstances specified and not fully controlled by him - mobilizes and purposefully uses the circumstantity of culture tools, even if the results of the activity are not always and not in all correspond to its intentions. Key concepts in the unfolded audit of the linguistic approach were "experience" (incorporated to discourse) and "practice". Moreover, it is the concept of "practice", the content of which can be described as a combination of conscious and unconscious principles that organize behavior are preferred to the concept of "strategy", which emphasizes conscious selection21. The search for a new research paradigm led to the development of concepts of historical development, grouping around different theories of "Pragmatic turn" 22. These "practitioner theories" are withdrawn to the first action plan of historical actors in their 20 so, in studies on the history of reading "the work is mandatory in those system of norms that establish limits, but at the same time create prerequisites for their production and understanding." Shartier R. History and literature // Odyssey. Man in history. 2001. M., 2001. P. 165. Changes in reading habits are considered as reflecting large social and political shifts. See, for example: Reading, Society and Politics in Early Modern England / Ed. By K. Sharpe and S.N. Zwicker. Cambridge; N. Y., 2003. 21 cm, for example: Revel J. L'Institution et le Social // Les Forme de L'Expérience: UNE Autre Histoire Sociale / Sous La Dir. De Bernard Lepetit. Paris, 1995; Biernacki R. Language and The Shift from Signs to Practice in Cultural Inquiry // History and Theory. 2000. Vol. 39. N 3. P. 289. 22 On the social theory of practices and the establishment of pragmatic paradigms, see: Turner, Stephen P. The Social Theory of Practices: Tradition, Tacit Knowledge, and presuppositions. Chicago, 1994; The Practice Turn in Contemporary Theory / Ed. Byodore Schatzki et al. N.Y., 2001. Details about the works of the theorists of "Pragmatic turn" and the diverse concepts of "practitioners" in the social sciences, see the book: Volkov V., Harhordin O. Theory of Practice. St. Petersburg., 2008. 9 Theoretical grounds. It does not blur the border between the "facts" and "fictions", and the authors do not change the belief in the possibility of historical knowledge and the desire for the very specific and difficult to achieve the "historical truth". The process of reformatting and specialized modern historiography does not lead to a loss of the image of "strict science" with its own ways to generate a new knowledge. The keyword here is the "knowledge", and all the problems of "truth" and "objectivity", as well as the "reality", "historical fact", etc., included in the reasoning about the modern ideas about this complex concept. Integrating modern research on the problem of knowledge in the philosophy of science, sociology of knowledge, psychology of knowledge, the authors strongly reject the thesis that the difference between subjective ideas, or opinions, on the one hand, and knowledge, on the other hand, are associated with the object of knowledge. They define knowledge - in accordance with the place of its formation - as a socially objectified. And quite consistently individual types of knowledge - in this case, this knowledge is historical - are considered as equitable forms of con-streaming of social reality, differing in specific characteristics 72 The problem of historical truth in the context of developing the logic of historical knowledge and building historical hypotheses and concepts is considered in numerous works KV . Tail and VK Finn 73, in which strict logical analysis is combined with a deep understanding of the research practice of a professional historian, and the historical truth is determined (with the help of four-digit logic, which implies the presence of degrees of truth, i.e. major or less likelihood) as a pluralistic. The ideas about the consensus character of historical truth, as based on double-digit logic 74 10 are exposed to argue criticism. The specifics of the historical truth K.V. The tail sees not only in pluralistic, but also in its conditional character associated with "with the author's choice and the criteria for the formulation of the problem and with the author's heuristics in general. In addition, the most important distinguishing feature of the historical truth is that it always thinks as a certain limit, around which various judgments, hypothesis and water-waters of individual scientists are located in the degree of specifest, which focusing in their research various aspects of reality that choose different Methods and arguments to substantiate their reasoning "75. It is emphasized that only when following the solid rules for organizing historical discourse, which include "the definition of the concepts used, the characteristic of the challenges and elected heuristics, a description of the sources used and their value to solve the problem, we can talk about the objectivity and truth of the conclusions" 76. Introduction to reflections on the specifics of the historical truth of authoritative theoretical concepts, logical - cognitive analysis and analysis of the procedures for the formation of a social stock of knowledge significantly expands the horizons of methodological discussions and contributes to the deepening and development of theoretical reflection over a specific research and expert practicing historians. 72 See: Savelyeva I. M., Poletayev A. 11 V. Knowledge of the past: Theory and History. T. 1 -2. SPb., 2003 - 2006. 73 See, in particular: Tailov K.V., Finn V.K. Problems of historical knowledge in the light of modern interdisciplinary studies. M., 1997; Finn V.K. Problems of conceptualization and argumentation in sociological and historical knowledge // Problems of historical knowledge / d. ed. K.V. Tail. M., 2002. C. 11-18; Tailov K.V. Some humanitarian aspects of the problem of clarifying historical knowledge // Problems of historical knowledge / answer. ed. K.V. Tail. M., 2002. C. 19-27; Tailov K.V. Dialogue with time and modern quantitative story // Dialogue with time. 2006. Vol. 16. P. 134 -146; Tailov K.V. Postmodernism, synergetics and modern historical science // New and newest history. 2006. No. 2. P. 22 12 -33; Finn V.K. In-Tellectual Systems and Society: Ideas and Concepts. M., 2007; Tailov K.V. Actual problems Historical knowledge // Problems of historical knowledge / d. ed. K.V. Tail. M., 2008. P. 5- 18; and mn. Dr. 74 We are talking about an unequivocal understanding of some judgment - either as a true one, or as false when the intermediate states characterize the degrees of truth and falsity. 75 Tailov K.V. The problem of truth and objectivity in historical science // Multiples of the whole: from the history of Qi-vivizizes of old and new light. Collection of articles in honor of Viktor Leonidovich Malkova. M., 2011. P. 37. 76 Tailov K.V. The problem of truth and objectivity in historical science. P. 34. *** In the history of science, regularity is manifested: the periods characterized mainly by the accumulation (within a certain paradigm) of the actual material are inevitably replaced by periods when the task of its scientific reflection and generalization is put forward to the fore. The value of such predominantly reflecting moments in the development of each science is truly difficult to overestimate. This is the time of active self-knowledge, redefinition of the pre-meta, the change of goals and methods, a categorical conceptual apparatus. It is quite explained that it is when science becomes able to look at himself from the outside, a revision, rehabilitation and enrichment of its cognitive funds, are created, the prerequisites for the transition to a qualitatively new stage of mastering reality has been created. 13 Bibliography Ankersmith F. Naractive Logic: Semantic analysis of the language of historians. M., 2003. Ankersmith F. 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This book is unique: for the first time in a single complex, the formation of the historical consciousness and the evolution of historical thought, as well as the process of professionalizing historical knowledge, the formation of history as scientific discipline. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between history with other areas of knowledge, the most common conceptual models of historical development, social functions of history, specific features of historical knowledge. In the study manual, various forms, methods and levels of perception of the past, the concept of representatives of historical thought of different eras, outstanding works of domestic and foreign historians, modern discussions about nature, the criteria of reliability, the scientific and public status of historical knowledge are characterized by.

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The article was prepared in the framework of the Crisis Crisis Crisis in the Mythology of Historical Memory, under the program of the IFN RAS "Historical Experience of Social Transformations and Conflict".

L. P. Repin (L. P. Repina)

Repin L. P.Experience of social crises in historical memory // Crisis of turning era in historical memory. 2012. P. 3-37.

A memorial turn in modern historical science led to a significant expansion of the subject field of the "New Cultural History", which covered the problems of "places of memory" and "historical mythology". Starting your way in historical science in the 1980s, the study of social, cultural, historical memory, or rather - memory stories, firmly established as an independent and rapidly developing interdisciplinary direction of socio-humanitarian knowledge at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries. In the 1990s. The number of studies focused on studying collective ideas about the past in different historical societies has already grew in geometric progression, covering the extensive spectrum of specific topics and plots. In close connection with the problems of historical memory, but at the first stage less intensively, in Western historiography began the theoretical development of problems of historical consciousness, its structure, forms and functions. Progress, although not so fast, and studies of a more complex phenomenon of historical culture, which acts as articulation of the historical consciousness of society and the set of cultural practices of individuals and groups towards the past, including all cases of the "presence" of the past in everyday life.

The problems of the formation and content of ideas about the past in different communities and cultures attract the attention of representatives of humanitarian scientific schools, and despite the ongoing discussions around such concepts as historical memory, historical consciousness, images of the past, the scale of the body carried out with their use of research (we are talking about the so-called "history of the second level"), as the results obtained in them, are impressive, the latter eloquently testify to the closest connection of the perception of individual historical events, holistic images of the past, as well as attitudes towards it in historical memory, with a sociocultural context of the current present.

The widespread concept of "historical memory" is interpreted in different ways in different ways: as one of the measurements of individual and collective / social memory; as a historical experience, deposited in the memory of human community (or, rather, his symbolic representation); as a way to preserve and broadcast past in the era of the loss of tradition; As part of the social stock of knowledge, existing already in primitive societies; As a collective memory of the past, if it comes to a group, and as a social memory of the past, when it comes to society; as an ideological story, most associated with the emergence of the state-nation; In general, as a combination of dockar, scientific, quasi-scientific and indecomponsive knowledge and mass presentations of society about the total past; Finally, just as a synonym for historical consciousness.

In recent decades, the "historical memory" began to be considered, on the one hand, as one of the main channels for the transfer of experience and information about the past, and on the other, as the most important component of the self-identification of the individual and factor that ensures the identification of political, ethnic, national, confessional and social groups Formed by their feelings of generality, for the revival of shared images of the historical past is such a type of memory, which is of particular importance for the constitution and integration of social groups in the present. Fixed collective memory images of events in the form of various cultural stereotypes, symbols, the myths act as interpretation models, allowing the individual and the social group to navigate in the world and in specific situations: "All historical shows a person various opportunities. The fact that once was valid, now, as what he knows, is a variety of ways to have the place of orders, major approaches. "

Historical memory is not only socially differentiated, it is subject to change. The history of various cultural and historical communities knows many examples of "actualization of the past", appeal to the past experience in order to rethink. The interest in the past is part of public consciousness, and large events and changes in social conditions, the accumulation and understanding of the new experience give rise to a change in this consciousness and the revaluation of the past. In the network of interactive communications, there are constant selection of events, with the result that some of them are subjected to oblivion, while others persist are subjected to re-interpretations, in mind new meanings and turn into group identity symbols.

This area of \u200b\u200bresearch relies on the analysis of social experience, historical mentality and historical consciousness, which designs the image of the past, consistent with the requests of modernity: the changes occurring in modern society will generate new questions to the last, and the more significant these changes, the more radical, the image of the past is changed, Folding in public consciousness. In this case, the images of the past, which constitute an important part of collective identity, can serve the legitimation of the existing order, performing the function of a positive social orientation, or, on the contrary, to oppose the ideal of the lost "Golden Age", forming a specific matrix of negative perception of what is happening. Through the broadcast of the accumulated experience, both positive and negative, is associated between generations.

Historical memory is a complex sociocultural phenomenon associated with the comprehension of historical experience (real and / or imaginary), but at the same time it can act as a product of manipulation by mass consciousness for political purposes. One of the most important problems, the solution of which is becoming increasingly relevant regarding the study of the idea of \u200b\u200bwhat happened in the past of deep social transformations and conflicts, since these ideas play a key role in ideological controversy and political practice. As you know, "the one who controls the past controls the future": We are talking about historical legitimation as a source of power and the use of historical myths to solve political problems. The struggle for political leadership is often manifested as the rivalry of different versions of historical memory and its great characters and shame, as a dispute over what episodes of the story of the nation should be proud of or ashamed.

The content of collective memory is changing in accordance with the social context and practical priorities: reordering or a change in collective memory means the constant "invention of the past", which would fit for the present. The actively imposed audience image of the past becomes the norm of its own idea of \u200b\u200bitself and forms its real behavior. Due to the fact that these images perceived as reliable "memories" (as "history") and constituting the meaningful part of this picture of the world play an important role in the orientation, self-identification and behavior of individuals and groups, in maintaining collective identity and broadcast of ethical values , there is a need for a scientific analysis of the process of formation of individual historical myths, their specific functions, the existence environment, marginalization or reactualization in the ordinary historical consciousness, their use and ideological revaluation, including in replacing each other or competing narratives of national history (since all nations are aware of ourselves in terms of historical experience, leaving the roots in the past).

Modern historiography, referring to the problems of historical memory in a political context, is mainly focused on the development of various aspects of the "use of the past" (including political manipulation technologies) and "memory rhetoric" (both rhetoric "progress and modernization" and rhetoric "decline and nostalgia "), As well as competing memorial practices and" memory wars ". However, the diverse mechanisms of fixation, accumulation, preservation, distribution, transformation and reconstruction in the historical memory of different generations of historical experience of experiences with peoples and individual groups of large historical events, social shifts and conflicts, especially in cross-cultural and comparative historical perspectives, still remain Not well studied.

The situation of the Millennium Rowing Certainly, the Company's interest in this issue, how people perceived major social shifts and events, contemporaries or participants of which they were, as they were evaluated how they were kept information about events, one way or another interpreting seen or Survived. And this situation itself is described by many intellectuals in terms of many intellectuals. conflict, crisis and transitIt is naturally stimulating the study of historical situations and the processes of historical memory of turning era, characterized by similar conservation of crisis trends, social conflicts, and the experience of radical transformations, entailing a breaking system for the underlying basic structures of public life, social norms, ideals and values. And even without leaving the limits of European history, we will find many examples when the problems of the present time dictated the need for not just appeal to the past, but its cardinal revaluation. At the same time, speaking of crises, wars, major social conflicts and revolutions in the context of the study of transitional eras, researchers increasingly pay attention not so much on their direct role in the process of historical transformations, how much to the perception of crisis phenomena and events with contemporaries, to broadcast and reception experience Their experiences in the historical consciousness of subsequent generations, on fixation and mythologization of historical memory in the so-called "narrative identities".

In addition to radical actualization in the light of modern social problems and cultural preferences, the high demand for the concept of "historical memory" is largely due to its own "non-randomness" and the presence of many definitions and the fluidity of the phenomenon, conceptualized in the initial concept of "Memory" when it is not applied Only to the individual. Conceptual bunch "Memory - Identity - Injury" today is one of the most popular tools of socio-humanitarian analysis. However, these concepts borrowed from psychology were subjected to significant override. In very general Psychologists usually determine the memory as a reflection of the consciousness of what was in the past experience, by memorizing, reproducing and recognition. But this mental phenomenon with which psychologists have dealt with, turns into a social and mental or sociocultural, when it comes to sociological analysis, which focuses on the collective, regulatory and cultural and semiotic aspects of memory of the past. It is in such an angle that the forms of memory organization are studied and an injury concept is used to analyze narraratives of national historiography.

Researchers, arguing on many issues, show the striking unanimity in determining the basic characteristics of historical memory, which include selectivity, symbolism, mythologicality. Indeed, the memory is selective, it retains only the most vivid and important events, great acts, and the system of collective ideas about the past differ not only by their interpretation of historical events, but also by what events they consider as historically significant. What people remember about the past - as well as what they forget about him - is one of the key elements of their unconscious ideology. At the same time, the central events of history, the outstanding identities of its heroes and anti-robes, preserved by historical memory, acquire symbolic value. But historical memory is not only election, not only is symbolic, it is also mythologicalAt least because it is determined by non-individual elements included in its composition, but by the way these elements are combined into an integral image of the past. In the processing, selection and systematization of past experience included two interrelated, complementary and essentially inseparable process, or two sides of the memory process - remember and forgetting, as well as a key process of direct experience in the real situation of this and "design" of the future. As Antoine pro: "Our society, obsessed with memory, thinks that without history, it would lose its identity; It would be more correct, however, it would be said that society without history is unable to build plans. " In the future ideas (in the "transformed" form), the problems were reflected that the societies studied in their present were reflected: "Societies mobilize their memory and reconstruct their own past to ensure their functioning in the present and resolve current conflicts. In the same way when they in the imagination proceed to themselves into the future - the voice of their prophets, utopian thinkers or authors of science fiction - they speak only about their present, about their aspirations, hopes, fears and contradictions of modernity. " By creating my mythological images, the memory refers to a number of past events, but they are included in the charts often opposing each other, each of which is designed to explain the contradictions of the present living and connect the "remembered" past with the expected and designed future: "The memory strength determines the identity features and makes the past projection of the future. " One of the most successful and meaningful definitions of historical memory brightly highlights its creative social role: "Memory - the creator of the past, the historical ability to be in time; In a universal meaning - this selection, storage and reproduction of information ... But human memory does not just save the information, it forms experience, correlates the past with the present and future, individual with a generic, one with a common, transient with sustainable. "

So, it is based on the schemes laid in the memory and previously accumulated knowledge, a person is focused, facing new phenomena that he has to realize. The content of the submissions about the past in individuals and groups is changing in accordance with the social context and practical priorities: reordering or change in collective memory means continuous design ("invention") of the past, which would be suitable for the present. Pierre Burdieu attributed to the most typical design strategies "those that are aimed at retrospective reconstruction past, applying to the needs of the present, or on the design of the future through the creative foresight, intended to limit always outdoor meaning of this. " The thesis on the "reconstructive nature" of historical memory, underlining the role of value ideas implicated in it and the relationship with the "knowledge of the past" with the situation of this moment, was developed in the theory of cultural memory of the Egyptologist Yana Assmann. But the role of "cultural amnesia" in stereotyping and mythologization of ideas about recently experienced The experience in the radical change of ideological and value-value benchmarks of society, as well as the strategy of the activation of emotional and painted individual and collective memories, historians still have to be explored. However, it concerns the category of historical consciousness that is inextricably linked with the phenomenon of collective memory, the fundamental innovative contribution to its development belongs to an outstanding domestic historian and M. A. A. Barga's methodologist, in the concept of which the historical consciousness of any epoch, connecting the current present with the past and the future, acts as one of the most important and essential characteristics of its culture and determines the scheme of organizing accumulated historical experience.

Today, historical consciousness acts as one of the most important items of historical analysis. Under the historical consciousness means a combination of historical knowledge and estimates of the past. Determining the form of consciousness as historical, come, first of all, from his content, genetic and functional certainty manifested in the fact that historical consciousness fixes in their ideal forms of the past (content ), is formed in the process of historical development (genesis), it is very involved in the creation of sustainable bonds between temporary sections of social reality ( function). Historical consciousness is considered as the process and the result of the cognitive and appreciation of the subject aimed at the past, and is expressed in different phenomena spiritual sphere of society. Although in the functioning of the historical consciousness, knowledge about the past occupies an important place, it characterizes only one of the parties of his manifestation, the second side is manifested in the subjectively emotional to him attitude. Reflecting past in accordance with the existing system of value installations, historical consciousness becomes a direct prerequisite for the use of acquired experience to meet the necessary needs, but, of course, historical knowledge does not always act as a direct prerequisite for human activity and, accordingly, there is no clear correlation between historical experience and nature of practical activity .

In modern humanitarian knowledge, parallel typologies of historical memory and historical consciousness coexist. The initial, most primitive form of awareness and the representation of the past is directly related to the myth, in which the past and present merged together, and is fixed in rites, rituals and prohibitions. The Christian history concept represents the utopian form of consciousness, with the established category of finite time. "Since then, on the soil of Christianity, it was no longer possible to study the past, without thinking about the upcoming, as well as it was impossible to consider the present only in connection with the recent past." Humanists marked the beginning of the "secularization of historiography" and the rational interpretation of historical experience (at this time there is not just a new form of historical consciousness, but "actually historizned Public consciousness "), and the scientific revolution of the XVI-XVII centuries. Created methodological prerequisites for the historiographic revolution of the century of education. The subsequent development of historicism in line " scientific History"The deepened distinction between the elite (professional) and ordinary (massive) historical consciousness led to the approval of the scheme of linear temporality corresponding to the modernist type of historical consciousness, which is called" historical consciousness in the strict sense of the word ". However, historical science does not push the preceding form: religion, literature, art continues an important role in the formation of historical consciousness. Mass consciousness eats mainly by old and new myths, preserves a tendency to traditionalism, to the nostalgic idealization of the past or utopian faith in the bright future. "Historical consciousness" in strict (looming) sense of the word collapsed during the postmodern period. In general, for modern historiography, the separation of spaces of this and future and the refusal to the idea of \u200b\u200bpredicting the future.

Famous German historian Yorn Ruzen considers the process of changing collective self-consciousness precisely as a result the crisis of historical memorywhich comes in the collision of historical consciousness with experience that does not fit into the framework of the usual historical ideas. Ruzen suggested typology of crises ( normal, critical and catastrophic) Depending on their depth and severity and their overcoming strategies defined by these strategies. In the Ruzen scheme, in contrast to his other critics, it seems the least convincing model. normal crisis which can be overcome on the basis of the internal potential of the prevailing historical consciousness with insignificant changes in the methods of sense formation characteristic of this type of historical consciousness. The second type ("Critical") questioned the possibility to adequately interpret the past experience recorded in historical memory due to new needs and tasks. As a result of overcoming such a crisis, indigenous changes occur, and, in fact, is formed new Type Historical consciousness. It is a similar model that can be quite adequate, in my opinion, describe the crises of historical consciousness on the fracture of historical eras. Finally, the crisis defined as "catastrophic" prevents the restoration of identity by doubt on the possibility of historical sense formation itself. Such a crisis acts as a psychological trauma for those who survived its subjects. The alienation of the "catastrophic" experience by mauling or falsification does not solve the problem: it continues to influence modern reality, and his refusal to take into account the possibilities of adequate setting of goals and the choice of means of their achievement.

The main way to overcome the traumatic experience perceived as a catastrophe is the creation of a historical narrative (narrative), through which the entire past experience fixed in memory in the form of individual events is re-executed into a certain integrity, within which these events acquire meaning, and as a narrative can Not only the written texts of historians are interpreted, but also other forms of historical memory: oral traditions (folklore), customs, rituals, monuments and memorials. Ruzen allocates three main functions of historical narration. First, the historical narrative mobilizes the experience of the past, imprinted in memory archives so that this experience becomes clear, and waiting for the future is possible. Secondly, organizing the internal unity of the three modalities of time (the past - the present - the future) of the idea of \u200b\u200bcontinuity and integrity, the historical narrative allows you to relate the perception of time with human goals and expectations that actualizes the experience of the past, makes it significant in the present and affecting the image of the future. Finally, thirdly, it serves to establish the identity of his authors and listeners, convincing readers in the stability of their own world and their temporary measurement themselves.

By making an event of the "historical" meaning and significance is eliminated by its traumatic character. This delampimization can be achieved with the help of various strategies placing traumatic events in a historical context: this anonymization (instead of murder, crimes, atrocities talk about the "dark period", "evil rock" or "invasion of demonic forces" in a more or less ordered world), categorization (denoting injury by abstract concepts, as a result of which she loses its uniqueness, becoming part of the story-raskaz), normalization (traumatic events are examined as something constantly repeated and explained by the immutable human nature), moraling (the traumatic event acquires the nature of the caution case), aesthetization with an emphasis on emotionally sensual perception (gives traumatic experience feelings, putting it in the scheme of perception, which make the world understandable and ordered), teleologicalization (uses the experience of the past to historically justify the order that promises to prevent his repetition or suggest protection from it), metisthoric reflection (overcomes the rupture of time caused by injury, with the help of the concept of historical change, responding to critical issues related to the history of the general, its principles of understanding and species), finally specialization (shares the problem to various aspects that are becoming a research area for various specialists, as a result of which "disturbing dissonance full historical picture disappears"). All of these historiographic strategies may accompany the mental procedures for overcoming the destructive features of historical experience that are well known in psychoanalysis. Psychoanalysis, says Ryugen, can teach historians to the fact that there are many opportunities to transform the meaninglessness of the past experience in the historical meaning. Those who are aware of their involvement and responsibility, take off this burden, pulling out the past beyond their own history and projecting it on other people (in particular, the change of role of torching and victims). This can be done and by creating a picture of the past, in which a certain person disappears from selected facts, as if it never (objectively) did not belong to the events that make it identity. Such strategies can be observed in historiography and other forms of historical culture, but the alienation of catastrophic experience by mauling or falsification does not solve the problem: it continues to influence the modern reality, and the refusal to take into account the possibilities of adequate setting of goals and the choice of their achievements of their achievement.

A conscious or unconscious choice of one or another strategy to overcome the crisis is expressed in the type of historical narration, and the elevation means of studying the principles of such a choice can be the typology of historical narratives. Four basic types of narrative expressing consistent development of historical consciousness: 1) historical narrative of traditional type, which approves the importance of past samples of conduct perceived in the present and being the basis for future activities (the identification is achieved by the adoption of the given cultural samples, and the time is perceived as eternity); 2) historical narrative of the editing type, which approves the rule that is a generalization of specific cases (here Identification involves the use of the proprietary experience of the past to the current situation, which makes human activity rationally sound); 3) historical narrative of critical type, denying the significance of past experience for modernity by creating alternative narratives (criticism allows you to free yourself from the influence of the past and self-subsession independently of the specified roles and pre-installed samples, it is this type of narration serves as a means of transition from one type of historical consciousness to another, since criticism creates an opportunity for the development of historical knowledge ); 4) finally historical Narrative Genetic Type represents understanding the essence of history as a change (past samples of activity are transformed to be included in modern conditionsThe recognition of the variability of life forms and moral values \u200b\u200bleads to the understanding of others, which means a deeper understanding of itself). Generally, historization (in its different forms) is a cultural strategy to overcome the destructive consequences of traumatic experience.

So, estimating the scale of the upcoming concept of national history after the catastrophe, the authors published in the summer of 1918 appeals from the scientific and pedagogical society of history teachers spoke extremely accurately: "National consciousness has a connection in the tradition of generations, there is first of all the memory of the total past and from here the will to the total The future, a sense of responsibility to the dead and debt before those who come to take our inheritance. The past gives the form to the real and life of the future. The saturation of historical memory and the consciousness of the value of its history, together with the will, together to raise and multiply this value, make nation nation. The school enshrines this memory and forms this will. It stores living continuity of generations and builds a bridge from the best traditions of the past to the future. A nation is happening at school, its decay flows through school. "

Of course, some changes in the historical consciousness occur not only in catastrophe situations. Recall, for example, deployed in Europe in the XVIII-XIX centuries. Large-scale movements to study the folk past, folklore and cultures that were to form and approve a sense of national identity. In particular, research of historical consciousness poreform Russia The second half of the XIX century, performed by O. B. Leonteva, convincingly demonstrated the growth of the interest of the educated society to the past of their country, precisely because in the era of rapid social change they saw the key to understanding its present, to the formation of the identity of Russian society.

The transformation of everybody historical representations was universally under the influence of universal education, and a considerable role in this process belonged to professional historiography, which (in substantially simplified form) was broadcast to the masses. Emerged in different European countries throughout the XIX-XX centuries numerous tutorials and textbooks for medium and elementary school Successful and affordable historical images that wake up in the semi-armed masses of the national self-consciousness. The school courses of the history of the Fatherland, based on a targeted selection and streamlining of events and facts, have formed a fundamental basis for the national mythology of the modern era and, being an influential social institution for the transfer of historical experience, continue to solve the same tasks, albeit with less success in our information age.

Traumatic events are displaced from collective memory if they do not fit into the structure of the mass presentation of themselves. A collective assessment is preceded by at least two acts: the development of this assessment and the presentation of its society by instance with sufficient authority or force so that this assessment is adopted. This is how a certain ideological construct is formed, interpreting an event in the interests of the power elite. Gradually, the memory of critical events, such as war, takes a canonical form. The official picture of the crisis (war) is created. This formalized, sanctioned by society and cultivated "memory" sets a mandatory sample that it is and how to remember (it is often reproduced in the stories and memories of participants in events). However, this memory is not the only one, it coexists with other images of the same events in the memory of the unofficial, folk, group. And, in addition, there is a scientific historiography. Historical research has a critical function necessary in order to clarify the facts. Critically interpreting them, the historian researcher converts injury in history, not limited to narrative models.

In this regard, it is especially promising to study the climax of history, its turning periods, always noted by high public interest in the past, acute political debates, competition of socio-political projects and the "position war" in historiography. It is at historical intersections when, in the current situation of choice of fundamentally different roads of historical development (ideal programs for the reorganization of society and the state, the role of accidents, difficult to predict social and ethical and socio-psychological factors, is obviously increasingly increasing. Or for the time being a drastic transformation of historical consciousness. The long loop of the emotional experiences of political cataclysms and social conflicts, accomplished in the distant and even relatively recent past, is gradually lost in the mythological images of social and cultural memory, creating a richest and truly inexhaustible spiritual resource for the formation of the widest range of programs in newly emerging crisis situations - from purely Conservative to radical-revolutionary, not excluding, of course, various types of compromise projects appealing to the general, shared by all groups of "glorious past".

The brilliant analysis of the consistent mythology of October in the post-revolutionary art and the mass consciousness is presented in the article N. M. Zorka "The Miph of October as about the History of History": "rejected (or, more precisely, silently," Deputy "!) Poetic-romantic religious interpretation of the socialist revolution As a certain "second coming", the Soviet ideology gave "October" by all signs of the planetary, the universal event, declared him with the accomplishment of all hopes and the aspirations of mankind, the crown of history, which came to the Employ. The cornerstone in the foundation of the Soviet ideology was laid by the myth. This required in the future course of the "justification of myth". It was impossible to implement the myth of the earthly paradise. The myth of the beginning (he, the end of all the former) spent and multiplied all the new myths. "

I. E. Koznova in his detailed study of the memory of the Russian peasantry in the twentieth century. , with his huge negative experience of social catastrophe, emphasizes along with changes, bring into collective memory and behavior model by each new generation, the preservation of certain universal constants and allocates the submitting report on the past, present, future and identification ideas, significantly expanding the concept of social Memory: "... if at the beginning of the twentieth century, struggling for the land and will and relying on the historical memory, looking for the main argument of his present, the peasantry rushed into the future, then at the end of the twentieth century for a significant part of the peasantry of central Russia hopes - not The future, and the past, and relatively recent - relatively satisfying and calm, attached confidence everyday existence. "

The task of translating the analysis of the social and historical discussions of the era of the restructuring (1985-1991) In the future of the project understanding of the recreated past, T. M. Atnasheva-Mirzayanta was delivered to a wider problem of the ratio of history and politics: "What makes historiography, facing From the present in the past, so easily politicized? And no less productive, but rarely asked back Question: What makes political ideas facing the present in the future, easily historized? " . The interpenetration of history and policies in the public history field is represented by the author of one of the public identity products of the new time.

According to this hypothesis, the ability to politicize history is rooted not in deliberate manipulation, but in the "project understanding of history" as the result of conscious and efficient activities of collective or individual subjects: "The past is discussed with the same way to predict and Influence the future "," a huge stock of historical experience "is used to give" the foundation to all alternative political projects embedded in historical interpretations. The guarantor of the viability of the political alternative is the historical reality as a precedent: how germ future project or as ready model The project implemented in the past and to be restored in the future. Either as decisive evidence of the unvisability of a certain project or its historical infertility ... ". It is important that it is not easy about using history as an illustration for already ready-made political projects, but it is shown how "a public history partially sets the political language itself and the design horizon within which political projects are comprehended: collective policies, borders and opportunities for future actions. " The author rightly notes: "In the framework of modern, as a project attitude towards history, the past, similar to a different present, rather expands the ability to choose a different future, i.e. The past opens an alternative to the real. " Evaluating highly positively incorporating the projective modus in the field of discussion of the social status of historiography, however, it is impossible to agree that "the awareness of political design as ... the main public function of historical science is the condition of greater scientific independence of historiography."

However, in foreign historiography of the end of the twentieth century, we can meet with similar statements about the "history policy" and "memory policies", although made in other ideological contexts and with other intentions. So, from the point of view of F. Fuure, "Memory Policy, understood as the power of the stereotypes of thinking, impact from the past to the present, is ignored in the face of another policy, implying a conscious strategy for designing the images of the past in the future plans." And for the famous specialist in gender theory and history, Joan Scott "Creating a story is a political act: it does not represent the past, but rather creates his template," and "When we are engaged in the design of the future today, the reconstruction of our understanding of the past can only help us." And much earlier, at the very beginning of the twentieth century. "Independence" and the public benefit of history justified in the same way. A recognized classic of positivistic historiography Charles Senobos, putting in 1907 the question of how the story can serve as a "political education instrument", gave him a very eloquent answer: "The person historically formed has seen such a number of transformations and even revolutions, which is already Not confused when seeing something similar in the present. He saw that many societies had undergone deep changes, from among those who know people were declared fatal, and nevertheless they didn't make it worse. This is enough to heal it from fear before changes and from stubborn conservatism on the manner of English Tory. "

However, to study the role of social memory on conflicts of the past in specific historical situations requiring the adoption of important political decisions, a more complex model of interaction of ideas about the past, present and the future, which was mentioned above are necessary. Especially brightly, her heuristic is manifested in the study of the long series of post-revolutionary crises and in the accompanying competition of projects using historical arguments, as well as in the change of the images of "great revolutions" in the public consciousness, history of political thought and professional historiography.

Patrick Hatton used the historiography of the French revolution as an opportunity to rethink "the relationship between the memory of the past and its historical understanding," indicating the direct impact of memory of the revolution on the policy of France until the Paris Commune of 1871. According to Hatton, the historiographic tradition, which comes from Jury Zhores to Albera, "tied the sympathy of her representatives with a more promising future than the revolution itself foreshadowed." But in the nationalist tradition, the memory of the revolution was revised: the revolution contributed to the formation of a modern state, but "she no longer complied with his future goals." And if for J. Lefevra "the memory of the revolution was dissolved in the tradition of a long struggle for freedom, which will be completed by the implementation of the socialist ideal," then as a whole, "from Michele to the Führe" "In the historiography of the revolution, a far-income fall of enthusiasm is traced in relation to its events and personalities As factors forming the tasks of the current day. "

The experience of the revolution (including the "alien" revolution), perceived as an example (positive or negative) and a lesson (inspiring or cruel), largely determined the boundaries of decisions and actions of individuals and groups. P.I. Pestel in his testimony of the Investigation Commission wrote: "The terrible incidents that were in France during the revolution, forced me to seek a tool to avoid similar, and this was subsequently the idea of \u200b\u200bthe time reign and its necessity, and the ever Sensules about all kinds of warning of any interfour. " And M. F. Orlov in the face of the past experience of "Great Disasters" of the French Revolution argued back in December 1814: "I see how an excellent lesson for peoples and kings arises from the depths of this immense catastrophe. A similar example is given to not follow it ... ".

Perhaps it is precisely the understanding of the experience of two civil wars and transfers in England who has discredited by the revolution as a means of solving social and political problems, contributed to the constant search for compromises during the subsequent history of the country, and the bloodless experience of the compromise of the glorious revolution secured this installation. The attitude to the events of this period was changed along with the change in the state of society, but the history of the revolution was the source of examples and arguments during the last development. Idea disputes of contemporaries, projects of the best device of society, experience of events and attempts to explain to them, "live memory" of participants and eyewitnesses, captured in memoirs about the events of the revolution, and the first interpretations of the completed conflict, then rethinking the revolution with different generations - during the century - already in context new "revolutionary experience" 1688-1689 And, after the context of comparison with the French revolution, with subsequent during the XIX and, especially, the twentieth century, all the new revisions of the established historiographic concepts carrying the weighty charge of projective thinking.

The revolution gradually becomes a myth. If participants and contemporaries of the historical event conflict, its interpretation relates to personal experienceIn the "second generation" - with the "fathers' living memory", then the "third" and subsequent generations perceive ready-made schemes, and with the removal of events, all new interpretation models are superimposed on previous readings.

The memory of the central events of the past (in the model "Catastrophe" or "Triumph") forms identity, largely determining the life situation of the present. Studying memory of conflicts and catastrophes of the twentieth century (world wars, holocaust, mass repressions, etc.) causes more and more interest among historians, and it is in connection with the role of memory in the historical design of social (collective) identity. In the discussion of these topics, two specific traits: First, the presence of irreconcilable contradictions between living experience and historical memory and, secondly, essential intercalate differences in perceptions and ideas, resulting in the focus of the attention of diachronic measurement of identity: how identity extends to several generations and how it It is built in the historical narrative in the form of a chain of the events of the past significant for each of them. Historical events that are reported by group identity, divided into several types: 1) events with a positive basis creating identity by approval; 2) events with negative base creating identity by denial; 3) Events or chain of events that update old identity. Among these latter are distinguished: a) turning events; b) events that make the models of collective identity in force before this time; c) events that update the current collective identity models.

In the construction of collective identity, significant generation differences arising from the contradictions between social memory broadcast older, and life experience of interaction with the already changed reality of the present, which forms presentations junior And, accordingly, their "design" of the past and the future. J. Ruzen, in particular, suggested the following typology of the perception of the Holocaust in the consciousness of the three generations of Germans in accordance with the differences in the identity construction strategy. In the first generation with the German identity "everything is in order": the Nazis is externalized as a small group of political gangsters. On average (second) generation, which enters the conflict with parents, there is a desire to consider the Holocaust in the historical perspective, to comprehend the entire period of Nazism as a whole as a counter-event, which constituted consciousness with a negative way ("from the opponent"). Based on the moral principles and moral criticism ("they are criminals, we are others") there is self-identification with the victims of Nazism, and the national historical tradition is replaced by universal (universal) standards. This creates a new, very tense type of collective identity. The third generation arises defining a new element - "Genealogical attitude to criminals": "These are our grandfathers, yes, they were different, but at the same time they are the Germans, which means" we "." So - through the conflict generations - the reconptualization of German identity is carried out, and the shocking historical experience "returns" to the national history.

Large social shifts, political cataclysms give a powerful impulse to changes in the perception of images and assessment of the significance of historical individuals and historical events (including targeted intellectual activities): there is a process of transformation of collective memory, which captures not only the "live" social memory, the memory of the experience of contemporaries and Event participants, but also deep layers of cultural memory of society, maintained by the tradition and facing a distant past. Historical memory is always mobilized and updated in difficult periods of life of the nation, society or any social group, when new difficult tasks come to them or a real threat to their existence is created. Such situations have repeatedly arose in the history of each country, an ethnic or social group.

Arguing about artificially constructed "biographies of nations", B. Anderson wrote: "The consciousness of the room in a worldly, consistently progressive stream of time, with all the flowing continuity, but at the same time with the" oblivion "of the experience of this continuity - the product of breaks that occurred on the outcome The XVIII century, - gives rise to the need for the narrative "identity". This kind of need in the historical narrative of identity, as well as bright evidence of gaps in sociocultural memory, is found in much earlier era of world history.

Having studied the following historic history crises, it can be seen that the integrity of the mythological band of memory over time (in the absence of a global scavenk), as a rule, restored. An outstanding British historian and philosopher Herbert Butterfield in his book "An Englishman and his story" wrote: "Always, even plunging into a sea of \u200b\u200bchange and innovations, England did not interrupt connections with their traditions ... We were prudent, because they were attentive to everything that connects the past And the present, and when great fractures happened - for example, during the Reformation or Civil Wars, the subsequent generation did everything possible to eliminate the holes and the cutters made by them in our tissue of our history. The British who lived immediately after that, as if returned with a needle back and the thousand minor stitches again sewed the present to the past. That is why we have become a country of tradition and the living continuity is constantly maintained in our history. " This thought is developing and contributes to it new accents S.A. Ecclatute: "The story has its own break points, the point of oblivion, the point of displacement of historical memory. On her pages, along with unexplored and mysterious, so much unspoken and non-evident. White spots alternate with default figures. Those and others indicate a gap of memory. And not always a professional historian is able to sew this gap. Moreover, sometimes it is, it is consciously or unconsciously resorting to lies and perverting historical events, "this gap strengthens and contributes to the final displacement from the world of undesirable remnants of the recent past."

In supporting and "reformatting" collective identity with dynamic public shifts, the role played by deep roots by national historiographic traditions is extremely great. In this regard, the need for the analysis of not only the founding of the national identity of historical myths of mass consciousness, their specific functions, marginalization or reactualization, but also their use and ideological revaluation in replacing each other or competing narratives, including the "national history" as a form Professional historia, in which at different stages of the development of society, a new image of a single national past, corresponding to the requests of its time, is created.

The combination of cognitive-critical and national-patriotic functions allowed the "scientific" versions of the past to introduce a weighty contribution to strengthening the national identity. The laws of the genre of the nation genre are required by the dramatic deployment and the plot completeness of the event, which comes back to the identification subject and demonstrating key "memory places" and the symbols of the "common destiny". National history "Most often is the actual autobiography of the people. Other participants in history are only the background, the context ... As a result, national historiography consists in a centuries-old dialogue (dispute, sometimes conflict) ethnocentrics. "

Central structure-forming elements and key moments of ethnic identification in a powerful power field of cultural tradition having a communicative nature are the ethnogenetic myth - a myth of general origin ("General ancestor"), an idea of \u200b\u200ba special territory recognized by the "historical homeland" and general group The past (no matter is real or alleged) components of the aware of the generality of individuals (living and left in the fly). Within the framework of the whole historical path of the myth on the origin, the place of habitat and resettlement, the general ancestors, cultural heroes, the glorious leaders and wise ruler of antiquity, about the "fateful" events of the total past, captured in the "antiques of the old old" and constantly reproduced in rituals, symbols and texts, act as the basis of any ethnocentric identification. Presentations about the past, and often about the very distant past, emphasizing the continuity and deep roots of the national tradition, also act as an important factor in national identity, which develops in the epoch of modernity from the ethnocultural and territorial-state components. Thus, in the center of research V. A. Schnirelman, dedicated to the current modernity, it was "the image of the distant past peoples", since "the key periods in the lives of modern society have great importance, when the story is radically revised, and it is important for us to understand what it is for The moments why they require such a reverent attitude to history and how exactly the socio-political situation affects the new images of the distant past. " At the same time, it may not only be about reproducing or replacing old myths, but also about the birth of new ethno-center myths (in the context of the new "narrative identity"), designed to clearly outline the borders of "their" community, having highlighting it from a broader territorial and political education or Combining several such formations.

The national idea, more than a century, determined the subject of historical writings in the genre of "Patriotic History", was embodied in different ways in the states of various types: in mono-ethnic and polyeth ethnic nations-states. In the conditions of dynamic public appeal shifts to the "roots" and the concept of unchanged identity, it is possible to strengthen the idea of \u200b\u200bthe national "identity" and even the exclusivity (including the line "Civilization" - "barbarism", or in the updated form of "Collision of Civilizations"). In this regard, the need for the analysis of not only the founding of the national identity of historical myths of mass consciousness, their specific functions, marginalization or reactualization, but also their use and ideological revaluation in replacing each other or competing narratives, including the "national history" as a form Professional historia, in which at different stages of the development of society, a new image of a single national past, corresponding to the requests of its time, is created.

The social function of "national stories" is known for a long time: "After all," without aware of the common past, people are unlikely to agree to exercise loyalty to comprehensive abstractions. " The ideas about the past, emphasizing the continuity and deep roots of the national tradition, act as an important factor in national identity, which develops in the era of modern and then more than a century continues to focus on the writings of professional historians in the genre of academic "national historiography". The combination of cognitive-critical and national-patriotic functions allowed the "scientific" versions of the past to introduce a weighty contribution to strengthening the national identity. The role of the intellectual designs of the historical science of the new and modern time in the formation of the national identity and ideology of nationalism, the mobilization of national movements turned out to be extremely important.

The idea of \u200b\u200bprogress dominated in European historiography of the XIX century justified the positive coverage of the strategy of "accession" and "attachment" of small peoples to larger nations in terms of overall development prospects. At the same time, in poly ethnic countries, not to mention empires, ethnic history and national-state (with a different degree of "nationalism") the history speaking in the logic of traditional "master narratives" could enter into dissonance, emphasizing negative differences ("The image of the enemy "), Confrontation, tension and outdoor conflict.

Mark Ferro at one time convincingly showed that the training texts that are used in different countries For teaching young people, they often interpret the same historical facts very differently, depending on national interests. However, in the XXI century. Traces of hard mutual rejection (especially in relation to neighboring countries and peoples), the axes of "taboo topics" and the indestructible vitality of the ethnocentric myths in national curriculum, bringing up in the younger citizens a sense of patriotism, cause historians and teachers a sense of serious threat to the process of European integration. And here it is important not only to pedaling the triumphal past or situations of historical tragedies of national humiliation, but also blockade Memory layers about the shameling past, the use of significant defaults to construct an acceptable picture of the past. Often in public controversy, rival models of national identity are formed, correlated with different types of worldview and value orientations, with different pictures of the past and the projects of the future, with different political and pragmatic objectives.

What is the difference between the "history of historians" from other representatives of the past? History like science seeks to the reliability of the submission of the past, to ensure that knowledge He was not limited to the fact that it is relevant at the moment of the present. While social memory continues to create interpretations that satisfy new socio-political needs, the approach is dominated in historical science, consisting in the fact that the past valuable in itself, and the scientist should be as far as possible to be higher considerations of political feasibility. Memory "... draws strength in those feelings that she awakens. The story requires arguments and evidence. " Meanwhile, the position of the historian with respect to social memory is not always consistent, and professional historians are actively involved in the process of transformation of collective memory, responding to social needs. There is a feedback to the most important ethical problems of the historical profession, including the inventivity of the "invention of the past", its distortion and instrumentalization in whatever purpose.

One of the most important tasks of historical science is the demiatologization of the past, but still historiography does not have a fairly resistant immunity from pragmatic considerations. There are a lot of social control of history - not only direct pressure or prohibitions, but also softer, hidden limitations and special "encouragement mechanisms", which, one way or another, affect the formation of various historiographic traditions. Observing the situation in modern historiography, it is impossible not to notice conflicting trends: on the one hand, there are questions about the most important ethical problems of the historical profession, overcoming Eurocentrism, "Orientalism" and myths about the national exclusivity, the inventivity of the "invention is committed to the statements of famous historians and public discussions. The past ", its distortion and" instrumentalization "in political and any other purposes, and on the other hand, the role of history as a factor of" social therapy "is actively discussed, allowing the nation or the social group to cope with the experience of" traumatic historical experience ".

All the above problems amounted to the subject of research in a number of projects made at the Center for the Intellectual History of the Institute of Universal History of the Russian Academy of Sciences since 2000, collected in collective labor "History and Memory: Historical Culture of Europe before the beginning of the New Time" A diverse historical material covering more than two millennia, The most close relationship of the perception of historical events with social phenomena was demonstrated: with the expansion of cultural contacts and deep changes in the life of society, the priorities of historical memory, interpretation and evaluation of key phenomena and events, Pantheon of heroes, and so on. Different channels of social memory broadcast about the past : oral memories, legends and legends, various kinds of records and documents, monumental monuments, festivities, stage performances, etc. Such a role was played, for example, the concept of "Eternal Rome" both in the pagan and Christian writings of the transition era from the late antiquity to the Middle Ages, who provided the continuity of the universalistic idea, the medieval modifications of which were reflected in the Empire of Charles the Great, the Sacred Roman Empire of the German nation, in Theocratic defaults of the papacy, as well as in the concepts of the "second" and "third" Rome. The transition to a new time gave a powerful impetus to the development of the historical consciousness and the formation of a new historical culture.

A large-scale comparative project "Time Images and Historical Presentations in a Civilization Context: Russia - East - West" was aimed at developing key aspects of the problem of various regions of Western Europe, Russia and the countries of the East, to explore as inequate cultural universals (with all the pluralism of historical cultures and the specifics of their development trajectories) and civilizational features, as well as their refraction at various stages of the development of sociums. To obtain concrete studies, comparable results were allocated a number of key categories and parameters, including such fundamental aspects of historical consciousness as its rooting in historical experience, regulatory nature, recognition - in varying degrees And in different terms - the differences between the past and the present and understanding of the story as a process - the relationship between events in time. The forms of historical consciousness and methods of designing the images of the past, the features of the functioning of historical legends and myths, multiple interpretations and ways of describing events, various models of the representation of the past and types of historical discourse, methods for designing the national past, memorial practices and patterns of historically pain, broadcast processes, interaction and Contamination of historiographic traditions in extensive cultural ranges in the west of Europe, in Russia and in the countries of the East. It is shown that representatives of various civilizational systems interpreted their past, meaningful, reinforcing old ideals, norms, behavioral canons, heroic samples, or putting forward new life guidelines and planning pictures of the future; As much as meaningful and universal, they used by the concepts and categories, as these images, judgments and evaluation with life priorities were associated, with a depth and vector of historical memory and much more.

Some results of the third project ("crises of turning era in the mythology of historical memory"), aimed at a comprehensive study of the ways to understand the experience of social conflicts and disasters, their subsequent transmission and transformation into cultural and historical memory are presented in this edition.

Bibliography of this kind of research, starting with the innovative project of Pierre Nora (see: Les Lieux de Mémoire. ED. P. Nora. T. 1-7. P., 1984-1992), has already hundreds of books and articles. At the same time, its huge array is the work that analyzes the memory of the traumatic events of the XX century.

For detail, see: Repin L. P.. Historical memory and modern historiography // New and newest history. 2004. No. 5. P. 33-45; Exle O. G.. "Memory History" - a new paradigm of historical science // Historical science today: theories, methods, prospects / ed. L. P. Repina. M., 2011. P. 75-90. High appreciating heuristic potential memory Studies., Exile fairly warns enthusiasts of a new approach from its absolutization: "The concept of" memory history "should not replace all the other forms of historical knowledge, it is complementary in relation to them and should complement them" (C. 90).

Rüsen J. Was IST GESCHICHTSKULTUR? ÜBerlegungen Zu Einer Neuen Art, Über Geschichte Nachzudenken // Historische Faszination: Geschichtskultur Heute / K. Füßmann, H. T. Grütter, J. Rüsen. Köln, 1994. S. 5-7. This direction of historical science, which arose under the direct influence of the study of paintings of the world as part of the mentality history, gradually expanded its methodological foundations. Read more about this: Repin L. P. Historical culture as a subject of research // History and Memory: Historical culture of Europe before the beginning of the new time / Ed. L. P. Repina. M., 2006. C. 5-18.

Jaspers K. World History of Philosophy. Introduction St. Petersburg., 2000. P. 115.

"It is impossible to change the actual real side of the past, but the meaningful, expressive, speaking side can be changed, for it is unfinished and does not coincide with themselves (it is free)." Bakhtin M. M. Aesthetics of verbal creativity. M., 1986. P. 430.

At one time, an outstanding British historian Christopher Hill was spoken at this expense very accurately and Emko: "We are formed by our past, but with our favorable position in the present we constantly give a new form to the past that forms us." Hill C. History and The Present. L., 1989. P. 29.

It is appropriate to remember the words of Yu. M. Lotman that even if "this kind of text disagrees with an obvious and well-known audience with life reality, it is not the doubt that it is not the doubt, but this reality itself, up to the announcement of its non-existent" . Lotman Yu. M. Literary biography in historical and cultural context // Lotman Yu. M. Selected articles. T. 1. Tallinn, 1992. P. 368.

The fuzziness of the concept of "historical memory" causes quite explained dissatisfaction and the desire to find him an alternative to supporters of more stringent theoretical principles of conceptualization. Cm. Savelyeva I. M., Poletayev A.V. "Historical memory": to the question of the boundaries of the concept // Phenomenon of the past. M., 2005. P. 170-220. In particular, recognizing the validity of the application of the concept of "historical memory" to describe the conventional images of the past events, the authors indicate the incorrectness of extrapolation of the cultural and anthropological approach to collective memory modern society with its structures of mass general and special education and the Internet and prefer to use the term social (collective) ideas about the past. - ibid. P. 216, 218.

Such an approach has already proved its high productivity. See, for example: Zerubavel, Eviatar. Social Memories: Steps to A Sociology of the Past // Qualitative Sociology. 1996. Vol. 19. N 3. P. 283-300; IDEM.. Social MindScapes: An Invitation to Cognitive Sociology. Cambridge (Mass.), 1997; IDEM.. Time Maps: Collective Memory and The Social Shape Of The Past. Chicago, 2003; IDEM.. The Social Marking of The Past: Toward A Socio-Semiotics of Memory // Matters of Culture: Cultural Sociology in Practice / Ed. By R. FRIEDLAND AND J. MOHR. Cambridge, 2004. P. 184-195.

Assmann I. Cultural memory. Letter, memory of the past and political identity in high cultures of antiquity. M., 2004.

Barg M. A. Historical consciousness as a problem of historiography // Questions of history. 1982. No. 12. P. 49-66.

Barg M. A. Epochs and ideas. M., 1987. P. 167.

Barg M. A. Epochs and ideas. P. 305-323.

In one of his lectures, V. A. Shkuratov proposed similar in meaning the typology of historical memory: a) archaic memory, characterized by cyclicity and lack of representation of a linear time, dissolving individual experience in the archetypal present, i.e. in eternity; b) traditional memory, with the concept of the axis of times, but still an archetypal connection between the past and the future (the creation of the world and the end of the world); c) modern (modern), embedding human experience in linear time from present to the past and future and depriving the history of axiological color; d) post-minute, or postmodern, with the opposite sequence of temporary modalities "The Future - Present - Past": We design our past, which comes to us from the future (through the captured trends in the present). Let me continue this reasoning: everyone historical type The memory corresponds to a certain form of historical consciousness: archaic memory - myth, traditional - utopia, modern - historical science, or scientific story.

Rüsen J. Studies in Metahistory. Pretoria, 1993; Ruzen J. Losing the sequence of history (some aspects of historical science at the crossroads of modernism, postmodernism and memory discussions) // Dialogue with time. Vol. 7. M., 2001. P. 8-26. See also: Ruzen J. Crisis, injury and identity. P. 38-62.

"Historization" is generating meaning and meaning with the relationship between events in time, which connects the situation of today's day with the experience of the past in such a way that from the course of changes from the past to the present one can schedule the future perspective of human activity. On the historization of the catastrophic experience of the total wars of the twentieth century, see, in particular: the experience of world wars in the history of Russia / Ed. I. V. Naman, O. S. Nagornaya, O. Yu. Nikonova, Yu. Yu. Khmelevskaya Chelyabinsk, 2007.

Ruzen J. Crisis, injury and identity. P. 56-60. When comparison, it becomes obvious that differing terminologically, the Tyuzen typology is very similar "in spirit" with the reasoning of M. A. Barga on the change of the types of "historical letters" and "organization of historical experience". Wed: Barg M. A. ↩ Labutina T. L. English revolutions of the XVII century in the estimates of early enlighteners // Clio Moderna. Foreign history and historiography. Vol. 4. Kazan, 2003. P. 53-61; Erlichson I. M.. English public thought of the second half of the XVII century. M., 2007.

For more about this, see the book: English revolution of the middle of the XVII century: to the 350th anniversary. M., 1991.

Cm.: Repin L. P. Conflicts in the historical memory of generations: to the formulation of the problem // Conflicts and compromises in a sociocultural context. M., 2006. P. 62.

See, for example: Baroznyak A. I. Redemption. Does Russia need German experience overcoming the totalitarian past. M., 1999; He same. Against oblivion. As German schoolchildren retain the memory of the tragedy of Soviet prisoners and Ostarabiters. M., 2006.

Ruzen J. Crisis, injury and identity. P. 52-54. See, for example, the analysis of the mythologization of the events of Polish history in national memory and historiography: DOMANSKA, EWA.. (Re) Creative Myths and Constructed History. The Case of Poland // Myth and Memory In The Construction of Community: Historical Patterns in Europe and Beyond / Ed. By BO Stråth. Brussels, 2000. P. 249-262.

For details, see: Repin L. P. Time, story, memory (key problems of historiography at the XIX Congress MKIN) // Dialogue with time. Vol. 3. M., 2000. P. 5-14. Several other aspects considers the problem of memory of generations S. A. Ecchtut: "In our time, it has sharply reduced temporary lag Between the moment of the commission of any event and the beginning of his study by scientists, it is quite comparable to the period of active vitality of one human generation. "The historian meets the declassified documents in which the events are talking about events. newest Story And their, hidden from the views of contemporaries mechanisms, which encourages it to solve the difficult ethical problems: still alive with the immediate witnesses of the recent past, painfully experienced by the fact of the reassessment of the former absolute values \u200b\u200boccurring in their eyes. Death has not yet collected her harvest, and a specialist in the latest history is already beginning and completes his work - and he will not have only a meeting with readers, but also communication with veterans ... ". Ecchatut S. A. Battles for the temple of mnemosins. St. Petersburg., 2003. P. 33.

Anderson B. Imaginary communities. Reflections on the origins and distribution of nationalism. M., 2001. P. 222. In the other perspective, the theme of ethnic, and national identities in their temporal refraction is considered in the book: Friese N. Identities: Time, Difference and Boundaries. N.Y.; Oxford, 2002.

Among the ethnopolitical myths of the Middle Ages, the brightest example is the "Myth of Trojan origin" ("Legend of Three"), whose role in the "design" of the identity of the peoples of Western Europe is indisputable. Cm.: Maslov A. N. Legend of the Trojan War in the medieval Western tradition / Dialogues with time: the memory of the past in the context of history. P. 410-446. See also: Smith A. D. Chosen Peoples: Sacred Sources of National Identity. Oxford, 2003.

Butterfield H. Englishman and his history. L., 1944. P. 5.

Ecchatut S. A. Battles for the temple of mnemosins. P. 103.

Lzhosk, Wojacch. Classical historiography as a carrier of national (nationalist) idea // Dialogue with time. 2010. Vol. 30. P. 10-11.

Schnirelman V. A. War of memory. M., 2003. P. 26.

By the way, some universal components of modern ethnocentric versions of the past, such as: "Myth about autochonia", "Myth about Praodin", "Myth about linguistic continuity", "MIF about ethnic family", "Myth about glorious ancestors", "MiF about culture processing "," MIF about ethnic homogeneity "," Myth about the swapping enemy "," Myth about ethnic unity "( Schnirelman V.A. National symbols, ethno-historical myths and ethnopolitics // Theoretical problems of historical research. Vol. 2. M., 1999. P. 118-147), have their own prototypes in historical writings and official documents of many preceding eras.

Tosh. The desire for truth. M., 2000. P. 13.

Cm.: Hobsbaum E. Nation and nationalism after 1780. St. Petersburg, 1998; Hellner E. Nation and nationalism. M., 1991. However, the idea of \u200b\u200bnation owned minds and much earlier ( Armstrong J. A. Nations Before Nationalism. Chapel Hill, 1982). The richest concrete material reflecting the development of national ideas, national consciousness and different options Nationalism ideology in Western Europe is presented in a collective monograph: a national idea in Western Europe in a new time. Essays history / resp. ed. V. S. Bondarchuk. M., 2005.

Hobsbaum E. Nation and nationalism after 1780. P. 54-62.

Ferro M. How to tell the story of children in different countries of the world. M., 1992.

Approaches to european Historical Consciousness - Reflections and Provocations / Ed. By Sharon Macdonald. Hamburg, 2000; Phillips P. History Teaching, Nationhood and the State: A Study in Education Politics. L., 2000. See also: Lowenthal D. Possessed by the past. The Heritage Crusade and The Spoils of History. Cambridge, 1998. It is noteworthy that even under the brand of academic "global history" sometimes appears "hidden ethnocentrism" in the form of exclusion of non-European examples. See this: Rüsen J. How to Overcome Ethnocentrism: Approaches to A Culture of Recognition by History in the Twenty-First Century // History and Theory. 2004. Theme Issue 43. P. 118-129.

About A. Twelve history lessons. P. 319.

See: History and Memory: Historical Culture of Europe before the beginning of the New Time (M., 2006).

The scientific results of this project were reflected in collective labor "Time Images and Historical Presentations: Russia - East - West" (M., 2010).